Monday, September 21, 2026

Police may seek clarification from US

C’mbo Port ‘Ice’ detection:

By Shamindra Ferdinando

A senior police official said that the Special Investigation Unit (SIU), inquiring into alleged loopholes and irregularities in the August 31 raid carried out at the Colombo Port, might seek clarification from the US Embassy here.

The official said so responding to The Island query regarding the need for the SIU to get in touch with the US against the backdrop of its own admission that Senior DIG Ranmal Kodituwakku had been informed by the US Drug Enforcement Administration regarding the drug stash on 31 August.

The official said that the SIU already recorded SDIG Kodituwakku’s statement in connection with the investigation.

Earlier, the US Embassy in Colombo declined to comment on the SIU probe into the recent narcotics detection jointly made at the China-managed Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) by the US Drug Enforcement Administration’s (DEA) New Delhi Country Office and the Sri Lanka Police.

US Embassy spokesperson said that the mission wouldn’t add to their press release, issued on 02 September, in the immediate aftermath of the raid.

Police Headquarters, on 11 September, declared that the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) was conducting investigations into the recovery of 463 kg of Crystal Methamphetamine (‘Ice’). Police never acknowledged the role played by the US in the operation.

Among those arrested in connection with the Colombo Port narcotics detection were three Pakistani passport holders. In our previous report, regarding the Colombo Port detection, we inadvertently stated that the police didn’t acknowledge the role played by the US.

The police official said that once the IGP received the SIU report, he would take necessary action, depending on the findings.



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Trump LIVE: Andy Burnham makes dramatic U-turn on US President ahead of first-ever meeting



Burnham will meet Trump for the first time at the UN General Assembly, having previously been critical of the US leader during his time as Mayor of Manchester.

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Sunday, September 20, 2026

Three arrested with ‘Ice’ over Kotahena murder

By Norman Palihawadane

Two main suspects, wanted in connection with the murder of a man in Kotahena, and another person who allegedly aided and abetted the crime, have been arrested with 28.6 grammes of ‘Ice’ (crystal methamphetamine).

The arrests followed an investigation into the killing. The victim was hacked to death, in Kotahena, on September 14.

Acting on information gathered during the investigation, police arrested the three suspects in separate raids conducted in Grandpass, Kolonnawa and Mattakkuliya.

Police also recovered 28 grammes and 600 milligrammes of ‘Ice’ from the suspects.

The suspects, aged 19, 25 and 39, are residents of Mattakkuliya, Colombo 14, and Kolonnawa, police said.

Kotahena Police are conducting further investigations.



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Saturday, September 19, 2026

In the Iran war, a tale of old American dilemmas

Japan in 1945 and Iran today are fundamentally different cases. Nor can the atomic bomb of 1945 simply be compared with today’s sophisticated nuclear arsenals.

By By Milinda Moragoda

Eight decades ago, US President Harry S Truman faced a decision that would change the nature of warfare forever.

Japan was still fighting after the surrender of Nazi Germany. The US possessed a weapon unlike anything the world had seen. Truman and his advisers had to decide how best to use America’s overwhelming military power to end the war.

Today, Donald Trump faces a different problem. Iran has suffered substantial military damage, but military success has not translated into the decisive political outcome the US seeks.

Japan in 1945 and Iran today are fundamentally different cases. Nor can the atomic bomb of 1945 simply be compared with today’s sophisticated nuclear arsenals.

Yet, there is a common strategic problem: How does a great power turn military superiority into a political outcome? If Washington were pushed into a corner — by the cost of the conflict, the inability to compel Iran’s submission or pressure to demonstrate that American power can still deliver a decisive result — the temptation to consider previously unacceptable options could arise.

What would other nuclear powers learn if the nuclear threshold were crossed? The decision-making process surrounding Truman was more complex than the familiar image of a President simply deciding whether to drop the bomb. The views of members of the administration, military leaders and the scientific community were all sought, and they were not identical. The principal US objective was to force Japan to surrender while avoiding the heavy American casualties that an invasion was expected to entail.

An atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima on August 6. Japan did not immediately surrender. Three days later, Nagasaki was struck. Around the same time, the Soviet Union entered the war against Japan. The sequence matters. Even unprecedented destruction does not automatically translate into political capitulation. Japan’s surrender followed a combination of factors. The decision also had consequences beyond Japan. Moscow was watching. At Potsdam, Truman informed Stalin that the US possessed a powerful new weapon. US officials understood that possession and use of the bomb could affect the emerging relationship with the Soviet Union. Some policymakers hoped that America’s nuclear monopoly might strengthen Washington’s position in dealing with Moscow.

It would be wrong to reduce Hiroshima and Nagasaki to a message to Stalin. The historical debate over “atomic diplomacy” remains contested. But it would be equally wrong to assume that the Soviet Union was absent from American strategic calculations.

We cannot know what is being said privately in the White House, nor should we invent positions for advisers whose deliberations are not public. Trump has not publicly advocated the use of nuclear weapons against Iran. But the possibility has nevertheless entered public debate as the conflict has remained unresolved.

Any American administration confronting an inconclusive conflict with Iran would have to consider not only what further military action might achieve in Iran, but also what its consequences would be elsewhere. Capitals around the world would ask whether an American action demonstrated restraint, established a new threshold or created a precedent. They would examine whether escalation produced political results or merely greater destruction.

The most consequential message may be the precedent that other States believe has been established.

For almost eight decades, nuclear weapons have occupied a peculiar place in international politics: Their paradoxical purpose has been to ensure that they are never used. If that understanding were to change, the consequences would extend far beyond the country against which a weapon was used. Other nuclear powers would examine the circumstances, the justification offered, the international response and, above all, whether nuclear use achieved its political objective. India has its own nuclear doctrine and strategic assumptions. If the circumstances in which nuclear weapons could be contemplated were to change elsewhere, New Delhi would have to examine what that meant for its own security. That would require a serious debate about deterrence, escalation and thresholds.

A great-power action can have several audiences at once. An adversary may see a warning. An ally may see reassurance. A rival may see an opportunity — or a precedent. The meaning of an action is never entirely controlled by the power that takes it. The world of 2026 is also very different from that of 1945. Information travels instantly, and every major use of force is subject to scrutiny by far more actors, each making its own calculations. Military superiority can destroy an adversary’s capacity to fight. It cannot, by itself, determine what comes after the fighting. That is the enduring problem of converting power into political order.

(Milinda Moragoda is founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, strategic affairs think tank. can be contacted via . courtesy Hindustan Times)



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Friday, September 18, 2026

Immigration official arrested over alleged illegal passport for criminal

By Norman Palihawadane

An Assistant Controller of the Department of Immigration and Emigration has been arrested by the CID for allegedly assisting in the preparation of an illegal passport for an organised criminal.

The suspect was arrested on Thursday (17) by officers of the CID’s Special Investigations Unit at the Department of Immigration and Emigration.

Police identified the suspect as a 42-year-old resident of Gampaha.

The CID’s Special Investigations Unit is conducting further investigations into the incident.



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Thursday, September 17, 2026

Three-wheeler driver shot dead in brazen daylight killing at Dematagoda

A three-wheeler driver was shot dead in a brazen afternoon shooting beneath the Dematagoda Black Bridge yesterday (17), police said.

The investigators suspected that killing may be linked to notorious underworld figure Mohamed Najim Mohamed Imran, widely known as ‘Kanjipani Imran’ operating from overseas.

The victim, a 50-year-old resident of Udugama, Galle, was killed with a pistol, according to Police Spokesman ASP F.U. Wootler.

The victim was rushed to hospital following the incident. However, police later confirmed that the three-wheeler driver had succumbed to his injuries while undergoing treatment.

Preliminary inquiries have revealed that the deceased had previously served in the Army.

According to police, the gunman is believed to have been travelling in the rear seat of the three-wheeler before opening fire on the driver.

Police suspected that the shooting was carried out by a hireling of Kanjipani Imran – a notorious underworld figure and drug kingpin operating from out of the country.

Police said that weapons and explosives had been supplied by Kanjipani Imran for the recent bomb incident at Dehiwala, where two children were killed in a grenade attack.

According to investigators, the weapons and explosives were supplied to another underworld figure known as ‘Kosmalli’ for the Dehiwala attack. Imran had also supplied narcotics to Kosmalli’s narcotic network, police said.

Further investigations are being conducted by police.



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Wednesday, September 16, 2026

Twilight of the Dons

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

While on holiday last month I was lent a book by a friend, who had borrowed it in turn from my former Dean, Leslie Mitchell, into whose retirement home he too has now moved. It must have appealed to my Dean, as it did to both of us, because it was about Oxbridge dons in the latter half of the last century. Called Twilight of the Dons, by a man called Colin Kidd, it charts the decline of the prestige of dons over that period, from the high point they commanded just after the Second World War.

This was in part because of the yeoman service they rendered during the war, not only in the field where many of them won decorations but also in administration and, in particular, in intelligence work, notably at Bletchley Park, which worked out German ciphers, contributing to effective countermeasures against German aggression, notably at sea.

With prestige thus gained, dons were a notable feature on the media and developed apace in the post war years, not only delivering lectures but also participating in quiz shows which they dominated. And they were in the forefront of developing other universities as well, the red bricks which started earlier and then the many others set up in this period, sometimes characterised as plate glass.

There were some challenges to this hegemony in the first couple of decades after the war, notably a Kidd notes, by Catholics who wanted greater seriousness – a focus of criticism being the then prevalent language philosophy, which was more concerned with arguments about meaning than the world at large. But for a couple of decades there was nothing really disturbing. But then came the student movements of the late sixties which, if nothing like as dramatic as those in the United States of France, started a decline in confidence.

Before he goes on to these, Kidd has two set pieces about the United States and France though he concentrates on peripheral issues. He looks closely at responses in Britain to the Kenndy assassination, or rather what some dons, particularly the conservative Hugh Trevor Roper, saw as the cover up by the Warren Commission of a deeper conspiracy. He was opposed by his fellow conservative, John Sparrow, Warden of All Souls, and their exchanges could be acerbic.

The next chapter deals with sociology, a suspect subject at Oxbridge, and the responses of dons who found the theorising of Levi-Strauss suspect. Having helped publicise his approach, they soon despaired of his loose methods, and became increasingly critical.

This last fitted in with one of the criticisms of the students, that Oxbridge academia was too clinical, and they wanted subjects, and subject combinations, that related more clearly to the actual world. This went hand in hand with support of Marxist arguments, more precisely Trotskyists radicalism, which fundamentally challenged the elitist consensus of Oxbridge.

Until the shocks of the sixties, Oxbridge had had a laid-back approach to administration, and its finances. It had never thought about the anomaly apparent to students of a college without undergraduates, All Souls, which provided fellowships for many grandees resident in London, who lived a sybaritic existence when they came to Oxford for weekends.

All Souls was one focus of student criticism, and Warden Sparrow deeply upset, not least when there was graffiti on the walls of Balliol, the most radical of the colleges then, with a Marxist master, Christopher Hill. He demanded that the graffiti be cleaned up, and Hill obliged, to the extent only of removing Sparrow’s name, but allowing everything else to remain, which made him more furious.

Ironically, this Marxist approach fitted in with the next great shock that hit the universities, namely the rigid money for value policies of Margaret Thatcher. She had the support of many conservative dons, some of whom Kidd characterises as Tory Marxists, in opposition to the Whig grandees, who had held unchallenged sway earlier. But not a few of the Tories were overwhelmed by her rigidity, which intensified when Oxford denied her an honorary degree. She changed the funding system to create an agency that was supposed to be evenhanded between all the universities, so Oxbridge soon found itself having to compete with institutions it had previously patronised.

There was, however, another reason for the decline in prestige of the dons, which had to do with shifting priorities as new generations came to the fore. The confidence of the generation which thought it had won the war and laid the foundations for modern Britain – William Beveridge, who institutionalised the welfare state, was the Master of University College, my own – gave way to a new generation which, even if many were of the upper class, had to strive to get to the top.

Furthermore, the domination of generations of undergraduates by dons who lived in college, and entertained them, and developed wider interests through conversations over the hospitality they freely extended, passed when more and more dons lived out and had to help in looking after families. Working wives became the norm, unlike in the earlier period when wives simply supported their husbands, contributing to hospitality at home, as was the case with the epitome of supportive tutors, George Cawkwell of Univ.

He does not figure in the book, the only example given of a don who, while a considerable academic, spent much time with and on students being that of Jeremy Catto, of Oriel, whose death a few years back led to outpourings of grief. Before that he had been part of a group of historians, including Leslie Mitchell, who saw themselves as a last post of civilisation, which they celebrated at regular dinners.

But there are many vignettes of dons who were larger-than-life figures in my time, including Trevor Roper, who had a streak of mischief which led to sometimes radical comments, as when ultra-conservative fellows of Peterhouse Cambridge, where had had been elected head, found him wanting, to be described as ‘the power-house of Troglodyte thought’.

Kidd shows how all that had changed, dons in general now being largely parochial figures, concerned with their families more than with their students, and with research that advances their careers than with students to advance not just their careers but the wider thinking that would make their careers productive.

But I suppose, with now two Prime Ministers in a row who did not come from Oxford, the first such lapse since the Second World War, the shades coming down is not surprising.



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