Why does the state threaten Its people with yet another anti-terror law?

The Feminist Collective for Economic Justice (FCEJ) is outraged at the scheme of law proposed by the government titled “Protection of the State from Terrorism Act” (PSTA). The draft law seeks to replace the existing repressive provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act 1979 (PTA) with another law of extraordinary powers. We oppose the PSTA for the reason that we stand against repressive laws, normalization of extraordinary executive power and continued militarization. Ruling by fear destroys our societies. It drives inequality, marginalization and corruption.

Our analysis of the draft PSTA is that it is worse than the PTA. It fails to justify why it is necessary in today’s context. The PSTA continues the broad and vague definition of acts of terrorism. It also dangerously expands as threatening activities of ‘encouragement’, ‘publication’ and ‘training’. The draft law proposes broad powers of arrest for the police, introduces powers of arrest to the armed forces and coast guards, and continues to recognize administrative detention. Extremely disappointing is the unjustifiable empowering of the President to make curfew order and to proscribe organizations for indefinite periods of time, the power of the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence to declare prohibited places and police officers in the rank of Deputy Inspector Generals are given the power to secure restriction orders affecting movement of citizens. The draft also introduces, knowing full well the context of laws delays, the legal perversion of empowering the Attorney General to suspend prosecution for 20 years on the condition that a suspect agrees to a form of punishment such as public apology, payment of compensation, community service, and rehabilitation. Sri Lanka does not need a law normalizing extraordinary power.

We take this moment to remind our country of the devastation caused to minoritized populations under laws such as the PTA and the continued militarization, surveillance and oppression aided by rapidly growing security legislation. There is very limited space for recovery and reconciliation post war and also barely space for low income working people to aspire to physical, emotional and financial security. The threat posed by even proposing such an oppressive law as the PSTA is an affront to feminist conceptions of human security. Security must be recognized at an individual and community level to have any meaning.

The urgent human security needs in Sri Lanka are undeniable – over 50% of households in the country are in debt, a quarter of the population are living in poverty, over 30% of households experience moderate/severe food insecurity issues, the police receive over 100,000 complaints of domestic violence each year. We are experiencing deepening inequality, growing poverty, assaults on the education and health systems of the country, tightening of the noose of austerity, the continued failure to breathe confidence and trust towards reconciliation, recovery, restitution post war, and a failure to recognize and respond to structural discrimination based on gender, race and class, religion. State security cannot be conceived or discussed without people first being safe, secure, and can hope for paths towards developing their lives without threat, violence and discrimination. One year into power and there has been no significant legislative or policy moves on addressing austerity, rolling back of repressive laws, addressing domestic and other forms of violence against women, violence associated with household debt, equality in the family, equality of representation at all levels, and the continued discrimination of the Malaiyah people.

The draft PSTA tells us that no lessons have been learnt. It tells us that this government intends to continue state tools of repression and maintain militarization. It is hard to lose hope within just a year of a new government coming into power with a significant mandate from the people to change the system, and yet we are here. For women, young people, children and working class citizens in this country everyday is a struggle, everyday is a minefield of threats and discrimination. We do not need another threat in the form of the PSTA. Withdraw the PSTA now!

​The Feminist Collective for Economic Justice is a collective of feminist economists, scholars, feminist activists, university students and lawyers that came together in April 2022 to understand, analyze and give voice to policy recommendations based on lived realities in the current economic crisis in Sri Lanka.

​Please send your comments to – feministcollectiveforjustice@gmail.com

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Incessant rain washes out opening Super Eight fixture between New Zealand and Pakistan

New Zealand and Pakistan will share the points after rain forced a washout in Colombo.  The officials waited over two hours from the official start time for an improvement in the weather conditions, but the steady drizzle that began at the toss only grew heavier and never quite relented.

With puddles forming on the covers and the overhead conditions no closer to improving, the umpires made the inevitable call.

There was a strong chance of showers as toss time approached. The previous day, Pakistan’s evening training session had to be cancelled due to rain. At the toss, which Pakistan won with Salman Agha opting to bat first, a drizzle began as the captains were speaking, and the ground staff began to move the covers into position. From thereon, the fate of the game was sealed.

Pakistan had left Khawaja Nafay out and brought in Fakhar Zaman, while New Zealand made three changes, including welcoming their captain Mitchell Santner back into the XI.

Both teams got off the mark in the Super Eight, but are left with little room for error. Pakistan will play England next on Tuesday and Sri Lanka a week from today, while New Zealand take on Sri Lanka on Wednesday and England on Friday. All games in this group take place in Sri Lanka.

(Cricinfo)

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Over 280,000 arrested as huge stock of drugs seized in 2025: Wijepala

Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala yesterday told Parliament that authorities have seized substantial quantities of narcotics so far in 2025 and arrested more than 280,000 suspects over drug-related offences.

Presenting figures from 01 January, 2025, the Minister said 2,020 kilograms of heroin, 4,013 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine (ICE), 15,564 kilos of cannabis and 43.3 kilos of cocaine had been taken into custody.

He added that 4.8 million narcotic pills and 2.1 million illicit cigarettes were also seized during the same period.

According to the Minister, a total of 281,320 suspects were arrested in connection with narcotics-related offences.

Drawing a comparison with 2024, he said heroin seizures had increased from 832 kilos last year to 1,826 kilos this year — a rise of nearly 1,000 kilos.

Seizures of other drugs had also shown an increase in 2025, with 3,865 kilos of ICE and 17,189 kilos of cannabis detected, compared to the previous year, he said.

By Saman Indrajith

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Tariffs ruling is major blow to Trump’s second-term agenda

Donald Trump had been warning for months that a Supreme Court decision like this would be catastrophic.

If the court curtailed his ability to impose these tariffs, he had said, it would be an “economic and national security disaster”.

A six-justice majority of the Supreme Court, in ruling against the president on Friday, didn’t care much about his concerns.

Congress, not the president, has the power to impose tariffs, the justices ruled. And nothing in the law that the president based his tariffs on, the Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977, delegated such sweeping powers to Trump.

The court’s decision represents a rare check on this president’s broad use of executive authority.

A majority of the justices over the past year have shown a willingness to allow Trump to press ahead with his agenda, particularly on immigration and reshaping the federal government, even as legal challenges work their way through the court system.

This case, which was fast-tracked through the court system as an emergency, slams the door on one such expansive use of presidential authority.

With several other major cases involving controversial uses of executive power, such as efforts to end birthright citizenship and to dismiss a Federal Reserve governor based on alleged improprieties, this may not be Trump’s only setback in the coming months.

At the very least, this decision weakens Trump’s hand when trying to force other nations to make concessions to the US and tarnishes his veneer of invincibility.

Weakness begets weakness, and America’s trading partners may be emboldened to take a tougher line with the US now that the president’s tariff powers have been curtailed.

It also opens up the possibility that the Trump administration may have to give back much of the tariff revenue it collected over the past year.

While the justices left this thorny issue to be decided by a lower court, Brett Kavanaugh in his dissent warned that the process is likely to be a “mess”.

The Trump administration had plenty of time to prepare for Friday’s decision.

Supreme Court precedent, and the attitude of many of the justices when the case was argued in court last November, indicated that an adverse outcome for the president was quite possible.

Jamieson Greer, Trump’s top trade adviser, said last month that the White House has “a lot of different options” on how to proceed if the tariffs were struck down.

“The reality,” he said, “is the president is going to have tariffs as part of his trade policy going forward.”

The other options that could be at Trump’s disposal are more limited, however.

They require government agencies to produce detailed reports to justify imposing tariffs, and they have limits on their scope and duration.

Gone are the days when the president could threaten, or enact, triple-digit tariffs with the wave of a pen or the click of a Truth Social post.

A Rotterdam container ship prepares to dock at Port Miami [BBC]

New tariffs will require a longer lead-in time before they are imposed.

That could limit the kind of economic disruption that took place when the president announced his expansive “Liberation Day” tariffs last year, and would give other nations more time to prepare their responses.

If Trump wants to restore his free hand to impose new tariffs, he could always ask Congress for the kind of explicit authorisation that the Supreme Court has said is necessary. But with narrow Republican majorities in the House and Senate, and midterm elections looming, the success of such a move seems unlikely.

In fact, some of Trump’s conservative allies in Congress may be breathing somewhat easier with this decision.

The president’s tariffs – and the costs they have imposed on consumers – have been unpopular among many Americans. Republican candidates in battleground states and congressional districts would have been open to Democratic attacks for supporting Trump’s policies.

That area of vulnerability has been reduced for now.

Friday’s decision will set up an awkward moment on Tuesday, when Trump delivers his annual State of the Union Address to a joint session of Congress. Traditionally, many of the Supreme Court justices sit in the front row of the chamber.

The president, after spending months issuing dire warnings against the court, could stand eye-to-eye with the justices who eroded one of the key pillars of Trump’s second-term agenda.

[BBC]

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What BNP should keep in mind as it assumes power

BNP rightly deserves our congratulations for winning a decisive victory in the 13th parliamentary election. This outcome reflects an unequivocal mandate that is both politically and historically significant. Coming as it does at a critical point in Bangladesh’s democratic journey, this moment marks more than a change of government; it signals a renewed public resolve to restore democratic norms, accountability, and institutional integrity.

The election came after years of severe distrust in the electoral process, questions over legitimacy, and institutional strain, so the poll’s successful conduct has reinforced trust in the process as well as the principle that governments derive authority from the consent of the governed. For quite some time now, Bangladesh has faced deep polarisation, intolerance, and threats to its democratic foundations. Regressive and anti-democratic tendencies—whether institutional, ideological, or political—risked steering the country away from its foundational goals. BNP’s decisive victory can therefore be interpreted as a call to reverse this trajectory, and a public desire for accountable, forward-looking governance rooted in liberal democratic principles.

However, the road ahead is going to be bumpy, to put it mildly. A broad mandate alone cannot resolve deep-rooted structural problems. The BNP government will likely continue to face economic challenges and institutional constraints for the foreseeable future. This will test its capacity and sincerity not only to govern but also to transform the culture of governance in the country.

Economic reform imperatives

A key challenge will be stabilising the economy, which continues to face mounting pressures: growth has decelerated, inflation has eroded people’s purchasing power, foreign exchange reserves remain low, and public finances are tight. External debt has increased significantly in recent years, while the tax-to-GDP ratio has fallen to historically low levels. State-owned enterprises and the banking sector face persistent structural weaknesses, and confidence among both domestic and international investors remains fragile.

The new government should begin by restoring macroeconomic discipline. Containing inflation will need close coordination across ministries and agencies. Monetary policy must remain cautious and credible, free from political interference, while fiscal policy should prioritise stability rather than expand populist spending.

Tax reform is also unavoidable. The National Board of Revenue requires comprehensive modernisation, digitalisation, and total compliance. Broadening the tax base, especially by bringing all high-income groups and segments of the informal economy into the formal system, is crucial. Over time, reliance on indirect taxes such as value-added tax and import duties should be reduced, paving the way for a more progressive direct tax regime.

Banking sector reform is equally crucial. Proper asset quality reviews and regulatory oversight are necessary to rebuild confidence in the sector. Political patronage within the financial institutions must end. Without a resilient financial system, private investment cannot recover. As regards growth, the government should focus on diversifying exports beyond ready-made garments and deepening integration into regional value chains. Attracting foreign direct investment will depend on regulatory predictability and improvements in logistics and energy reliability. Ambitious growth targets must be matched by realistic implementation capacity.

Political Challenges

Distrust among political actors, partly fuelled by fears of retribution and violence, is a reality that may persist. BNP will face pressure from its supporters to act quickly in addressing perceived injustices, but good governance demands restraint. If the new government resorts to or tolerates exclusion or retaliation, it will risk perpetuating the very cycle it has condemned.

Managing internal party discipline will also be crucial, as a large parliamentary majority can sometimes lead to complacency or factional rivalry. Strong leadership will be required to maintain unity while allowing constructive internal debate. BNP must also rebuild trust with minority communities and vulnerable groups. Elections often heighten anxieties among minorities, so a credible commitment to equal citizenship is crucial. BNP’s political maturity will also be judged by how it treats or engages with its opponents. In this regard, Chairman Tarique Rahman’s visits to the residences of top opposition leaders on Sunday marked a positive gesture, one that many hope will withstand the inevitable pressures or conflicts over governance in the coming days.

Strengthening democratic institutions

A central promise of this election was to restore democracy, which must now translate into concrete institutional reforms. Judicial independence needs constant safeguarding. Which means that appointment, promotion, and case management processes should be insulated from political influence. Parliamentary oversight committees must also function effectively, and the opposition’s voice in parliament must be protected.

Electoral institutions also need reform, particularly along the lines of the July Charter. Continued credibility of the Election Commission will depend on transparency, professional management, and impartiality. Meanwhile, the civil service must be depoliticised. Appointments based on loyalty rather than merit have long undermined governance in the country. So the new administration must work on curtailing the influence of political networks to ensure a professional, impartial civil service. Media reform and digital rights also deserve careful attention. We must remember that democratic consolidation is built through institutional habits, and these habits must be established early.

Beyond winner-takes-all

Bangladesh’s politics has long been characterised by a winner-takes-all mentality. Electoral victories have often resulted in monopolisation of power, marginalising opposition voices and weakening checks and balances. If BNP is serious about democratic renewal, it must consciously break with this tradition. Inclusive policy consultations will be a good starting point. Major economic and constitutional reforms should be based on cross-party dialogue and consensus. Appointments to constitutional bodies should be transparent and consultative, and parliamentary debates should be done with the letter and spirit of the July Charter in mind.

Meeting public expectations

The scale of public expectations now is naturally immense. Citizens want economic relief, employment opportunities, necessary institutional reforms, and improved governance. Managing these expectations will be quite difficult. Many reforms will not yield immediate results, and some may impose short-term costs. So, it is imperative to ensure transparent communication about the associated timelines, trade-offs, and fiscal constraints.

Anti-corruption efforts must be credible and monitored at all times. Measures are needed to strengthen oversight institutions, improve transparency in public procurement, and expand digital service delivery to reduce opportunities for rent-seeking. Governance reform should be systematic, not selective or politically driven. Tangible improvements are urgently needed in public service delivery, particularly in health, education, social protection, and local government.

Finally, a word of caution: BNP’s decisive victory presents both opportunities and risks. It can enable bold reforms but it also carries the danger of overreach. The key deciding factor here is political judgment. The question is, can our leaders deliver based on the mandate voters have given them? (The Daily Star)

Dr Fahmida Khatun is an economist and executive director at the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD). Views expressed in the article are the author’s own.

Views expressed in this article are the author’s own.

by Fahmida Khatun

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Zadran, Nabi star as Afghanistan bow out with a big win

Having reached the semifinals of the previous edition, Afghanistan will have harboured loftier ambitions, and a group stage exit from the 2026 T20 World Cup will undoubtedly sting. There is some consolation, however: Jonathan Trott ends his tenure as Afghanistan coach with two wins on the bounce, an 82-run demolition of Canada at the M.A. Chidambaram Stadium in Chennai rounding out a campaign that will ultimately be defined by the ‘what ifs’ of that afternoon in Ahmedabad against South Africa.

Against Canada, though, Afghanistan were ruthlessly professional. The man who set the tone was Ibrahim Zadran, who stroked an unbeaten 95 to simultaneously hold the highest individual score by an Afghan batter across all three ICC white-ball tournaments viz. the ODI World Cup, the Champions Trophy, and now the T20 World Cup. His blazing 56-ball knock powered Afghanistan to 200/4 – their highest total in T20 World Cup history – a score that always seemed beyond Canada’s reach before it was rubber-stamped by Mohammad Nabi’s 4 for 7 in what might just be the veteran 41-year-old’s last game in this competition.

Canada asked their opposition to take first strike and themselves took until the final over of the PowerPlay to strike. Rahmanullah Gurbaz was dropped at the wicket by Shreyas Movva off Dilon Heyliger’s bowling in the second over. Gurbaz punished the reprieve, racing to 30 off 20 balls before Jaskaran Singh had him slashing to deep point in the sixth over. Three balls later, Gulbadin Naib was trapped in front and Jaskaran had the on-field not-out decision overturned on review, and Afghanistan were suddenly 49 for 2.

Zadran held firm. He found an ideal foil in Sediqullah Atal, and the pair put on 95 runs for the third wicket, a partnership that steadily, then emphatically, wrested control. Atal was busy and inventive, playing his shots freely on both sides of the wicket, before being caught at long-on off Jaskaran for 44 (32). By then, Afghanistan were 144 for 3 with five overs remaining and Zadran fully into his stride. Azmatullah Omarzai contributed a breezy 13 off 7 before holing out to long-on, but it mattered little as Afghanistan plundered 69 off the final five overs, crossing 200 off the last ball with Zadran stranded agonisingly five runs short of a deserved century. In all, he found the ropes seven times and cleared it five times.

The chase never threatened to be competitive. Mujeeb Ur Rahman struck in the second over, rocking Dilpreet Bajwa’s leg stump for 13 after the Canadian captain had launched two early sixes, and the game was effectively settled when Azmatullah Omarzai had the veteran Navneet Dhaliwal caught at backward point for a duck in the fourth over. Dhaliwal, 37 years old and playing his final international innings, had received a guard of honour alongside Ravinderpal Singh before the match. A warm embrace from Rashid Khan at the boundary as he walked off was a fitting send-off for Canada’s leading T20I run-scorer.

Yuvraj Samra, who had dazzled with a century against New Zealand at this very ground two nights ago, managed only 17 before Nabi got one to turn sharply and find a leading edge to point. Nabi produced a vintage spell that included Kirton skying to long-on, Harsh Thaker top-edging a sweep to short fine leg after a dogged 30, and Heyliger perishing in the deep.

Nabi could have had a fifth, too, but Gurbaz shelled a catch even with no other fielder challenging for it, as had been the case when Gurbaz and Abdullah Ahmadzai nearly ran into each other for Heyliger’s catch. Rashid Khan took care of Movva and Bin Zafar, the latter bowled through the gate attempting an airy mow. Canada finished at 118 for 8 in a just reflection of the chasm between the two sides.

Brief scores:
Afghanistan 200/4 in 20 overs (Rahmanulah Gurbaz 30, Ibrahim Zadran 95*,  Sediqullah Atal 44, Azmatullah Omarzai 13;  Dillon Heyliger 1-41,Jaskaran Singh 3-52) beat Canada 118/8 in 20 overs (Yuraj Sharma 17, Dilpreet Bajwa 13, Harsh Thaker 30, Nicholas Kirton 10, Saad Bin Zafar 28; Mujeeb Ur Rahman 1-23, Azmatullah Omarzai 1-18, Mohammad Nabi 4-07, Rashid Khan 2-19) by 82 runs.

[Cricbuzz]

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Gateway to host 24th International Schools’ Athletics Championship

Gateway College, a pioneer in international school education in Sri Lanka, is set to host the prestigious International Schools’ Athletics Championship (ISAC 2026) at the Mahinda Rajapaksa International Stadium Diyagama over the weekend.

First held in 2001, ISAC has evolved into the flagship sporting event on the international schools’ calendar, showcasing the athletic excellence of students from 22 leading international schools across the country.

Founded by the late R. I. T. Alles, ISAC has played a pivotal role in advancing competitive sport among international schools, leaving behind an enduring legacy that has contributed significantly to the development of athletics in Sri Lanka.

The championship is expected to attract approximately 1,554 athletes and 300 technical officials, representing the participating schools. With an anticipated audience exceeding 15,000 students, parents and alumni, ISAC 2026 promises to be a vibrant celebration of athleticism, sportsmanship and camaraderie.

Commenting on the event’s national significance Ramantha Alles, Director of Gateway Group, stated, “ISAC has become an important platform for nurturing talented athletes and showcasing junior athletes of international repute. The standard of athletics among international schools has steadily progressed, with several athletes advancing to national and international levels, contributing to high-quality competition.”

Expressing his appreciation for their generous support, Dr. Harsha Alles, Chairman of the Gateway Group, stated, “It is heartening to see Pearson Edexcel as the Principal Sponsor, actively contributing to the holistic development of pupils, Home Lands as the Platinum Sponsor, extending its support to schools and Education and AVI as the Sportswear Partner, playing a valuable role in promoting sportswear and strengthening school sport.”

The event is further supported by Sense Rehabilitation and Sports Hospital as the Official Healthcare Partner, The Papare.com as the Official Broadcasting Partner, Yeti as the Official Hydration Partner and Dinemore Go as the Official Medal Sponsor.

ISAC 2026 will be conducted in accordance with TISSL rules and regulations and the International Athletics Federation Competition Rules. All athletes will compete using a common identity card issued by TISSL, the association representing member international schools.

Participating TISSL member schools for ISAC 2026 include: Asian International School, Belvoir College International, The British School in Colombo, Burhani Serendib School, Colombo International School, Colombo. Colombo International School, Kandy, Elizabeth Moir School, Gateway College, Colombo, Gateway College, Kandy, Horizon College International, Ilma International Girls School, Leeds International School, Panadura, Lyceum International School, Nugegoda, Lyceum International School, Panadura, Lyceum International School, Ratnapura, Lyceum International School, Wattala, OKI International School, Royal Institute, Stafford International School, St. Nicholas International School, Wycherley International School, Colombo, Wycherley International School, Gampaha.

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