Milk powder prices to be reduced after CoPF attack on Trade and Finance ministries

Trade Minister Nalin Fernando yesterday (12) announced that the price of milk powder would be reduced by Friday (15 March).

The announcement was made in the wake of the Committee on Public Finance (CoPF) lambasting both Trade and Finance Ministries for their failure to implement the milk powder pricing formula, introduced in 2018.

CoPF Chairman Dr. Harsha de Silva censured officials when he took up the issue with those officials summoned by the House Committee recently.

The former UNP State Minister said that the failure on the part of the Trade and Finance ministries to implement the pricing formula couldn’t be justified under any circumstances. The lawmaker said that the Finance Ministry should be held responsible for not extending the pricing formula, thereby allowing milk food importers to make a killing.

Dr. de Silva said that the Finance Ministry hadn’t implemented the pricing formula since 2019. The SJB MP said that the Trade Ministry official, responsible for handling the issue, seemed clueless and useless. (SF)

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Ensuring inclusion requires new political partnership

by Jehan Perera

The northern town of Vavuniya which was once at the front lines of the war is now a peaceful and bustling urban centre. Its physical infrastructure leaves much to be desired, with rundown buildings, and open drains that emit a foul odour. Vavuniya has not had the fortune of a political patron vested with governmental power to transform it like Polonnaruwa and Hambantota have been. But the town itself is peaceful. It is difficult to imagine that it was once under threat of bombardment and thousands of soldiers transited through it on the way to the front lines or back to their homes in the south. In the past there were a large number of security checkpoints at which busloads of people had to disembark and walk on foot from point to point while their vehicles were checked.

Last week the University of Vavuniya held an international peace conference on the theme of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and how it could contribute to sustaining peace and democracy. This was a new topic and a first for many of the local participants. The university is the newest of the state-run universities as it started only in 2021 having been expanded from being a campus of the University of Jaffna. Many of its buildings are new and being established on a spacious area of land, it is full of greenery and trees, which is conducive for reflection and uncluttered thinking. The international participants, especially those from neighbouring India, were taken up by the peacefulness of Vavuniya, its university and their journey from the airport in Katunayake.

It might have been expected that a conference on AI would be a highly cerebral and intellectual experience devoid of culture and emotion. However, the organisers ensured that the conference was a rich cultural experience in addition to the intellectual and rational discourse of AI. The opening talks by the organisers and university academics from Vavuniya University and other parts of the world were interspersed with cultural items. It was striking that the opening dances were a fusion of Tamil and Sinhala dancers, and a Muslim dance, which demonstrated a recognition of the region’s plurality and sensitivity to the issue of inclusion.

POSITIVE ENGAGEMENT

A welcome feature of the cultural shows that took place at the conference was the emphasis that was given to including marginalised communities. Some of the academic community in the north and east are trying to bring those who have been marginalised to the attention of mainstream society so that they will not be ignored but nurtured to retain their traditions and cultures while adapting to the demands of modern society. Dances performed at the cultural show at the conference included those by the Vedda community with their musical instruments and the Burghers of the east coast (Batticaloa) as well as by those communities in the Vanni region who experienced the brunt of the war and have been coping with the resultant trauma through traditional practices in the absence of other support.

The international participants at the conference could hardly have imagined that for most of the past four to five decades, this demonstration of unity and inclusion would not have been possible in Vavuniya. In the past decades, due to the ethnic nature of the war, those of one community saw the other as a potential security threat, either an informer or bomb carrier or an instigator of violence against the other. It was the end of the war 15 years ago and the economic crisis that began to kick in two years ago that has contributed to the major shift to be seen in the thinking of the general population, which was being reflected at the conference in Vavuniya University. Suspicion and hostility to the other community is today at a low ebb.

The end of the war has opened up the roads and made all parts of the country accessible to everyone. The ability to interact and to engage brings out the natural goodwill that the people of different communities have for each other. The economic crisis and the experience of shared suffering caused by the economic collapse that saw the cost of living, and poverty, double and triple in the space of a few months has reduced the distancing between communities. They have begun to see the major problem of their lives not as being ethnic but as being economic. The cause of the problem is not the other community, but the sustenance in power in the country of those who extract undue benefits from their positions of power.

PARTNERSHIP CHANGE

The determination to work with those at the margins who have been ignored and discriminated against is indicative of the practice of inclusivity necessary for the nation building process. The ethos of inclusion which was demonstrated at the University of Vavuniya is not necessarily present in mainstream society as much as it should be. Sri Lanka remains a country where even singing the national anthem in both the Sinhala and Tamil languages remains a political issue, although specifically provided for in the constitution. There are several countries such as South Africa, New Zealand, Canada and Belgium that sing their national anthems in multiple languages with different sections of the anthem being sung in a different language.

Apart from the dawn of Independence in 1948, the national anthem was sung in Tamil only once at a national day event in 1949. Thereafter it had been sung in Sinhala only, until then the government of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe ensured in 2016 that it would be sung in both languages. This came under severe criticism and when the government changed in 2019 this practice was stopped. It was only revived again after President Ranil Wickremesinghe took the helm. The president has been one among a handful of national political leaders who has been willing to openly espouse the cause of reconciliation, a solution to the ethnic conflict and the need for power sharing. Since taking over the presidency in 2022, President Wickremesinghe has been promising to resolve the ethnic conflict and reach a political settlement. But there has been little progress in terms of constitutional reform where it concerns the ethnic conflict.

The president recently said that parliament has passed 42 new laws during the past 14 months, aimed at facilitating the economic transformation of the country. He emphasized the importance of passing an additional 62 laws to effect this transformation. Most recently the president gave leadership to two new bills that would ensure equal rights for women. The reason for the inability to pass new laws that address the ethnic conflict could be due to lack of support for this from the parliamentary majority. The recent news reports that the president’s discussions with the leadership of the ruling party regarding the next presidential election had not been successful is an indication of the need for a new political partnership to forge national unity based on inclusion rather than exclusion.

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Empowering SL paddy farmers through Innovative Learning

The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the Department of Agriculture in collaboration with European Union (EU), have launched a transformative initiative aimed at enhancing the knowledge and practices of Integrated Plant Nutrient Management (IPNM) among paddy farmers across Sri Lanka. This initiative is marked by the commencement of a series of Farmer Field Days, starting with the inaugural Farmer Field Day in Polonnaruwa on 05 March and the introduction of the ground breaking digital learning platform, Nena Wagawa.

The inaugural Farmer Field Day, held under the theme “Fertile Soil for a Bountiful Harvest,” was inaugurated by Johann Hesse, Head of Cooperation, Delegation of the European Union to Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative in Sri Lanka and the Maldives; and key representatives from the Department of Agriculture. 330 farmers and agriculture students from two schools participated, gaining hands-on experience and insights into the application of IPNM techniques for more sustainable and productive farming.

The Farmer Field Days are a key component of the RiceUP project, a collaborative effort between FAO and the Sri Lankan government, funded with Euro 4 million from the European Union. RiceUP aims to fortify the resilience of Sri Lanka’s food security system by advancing IPNM practices among smallholder farmers, thereby enhancing their livelihoods while boosting the production of quality paddy seeds for better productivity in paddy farming.

Central to this initiative is the launch of the Nena Wagawa digital learning platform, a pioneering step towards bringing IPNM knowledge directly to farmers. This online portal offers comprehensive e-learning courses in Sinhala, Tamil, and English, designed to educate farmers on the nuances of IPNM in paddy farming. Accessible from anywhere through internet-connected devices, nenawagawa.doa.gov.lk is set to revolutionize how farmers learn and apply sustainable agricultural practices.

The RiceUP initiative has already made significant strides, with 6,000 farmers across Ampara, Badulla, Hambantota, and Polonnaruwa districts receiving training on IPNM from 289 Agriculture Extension Officers. This training aims to promote the efficient use of fertilizers and other inputs, leading to reduced costs, improved productivity, and enhanced resilience against future agricultural challenges.

On the occasion, Johann Hesse expressed, “Our collaboration with FAO signifies a shared commitment to revitalizing Sri Lanka’s agriculture, addressing food shortages, and enhancing the livelihoods of farmers. Together, we have supplied essential inputs like fertilizers and seedlings, meeting crucial needs within the sector. We anticipate that the ongoing EU grant, along with FAO’s technical assistance, will expedite the shift toward a more sustainable, resilient, and productive agriculture sector in Sri Lanka.”

Vimlendra Sharan FAO Representative in Sri Lanka thanked EU for its support in introducing sustainable and climate smart agronomic practices in Sri Lanka and shared FAO’s plans to scale up the training programme and take it to over 400,000 paddy farmers in the country.

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Basil’s return and Gota’s book flavours political pot

Politics in Sri Lanka is becoming more and more interesting with a presidential election due between September and October this year. Although the constitutionally mandated presidential election is a certainty, speculation on the possibility of a parliamentary election coming first continues. As is well known, President Ranil Wickremesinghe is now empowered to dissolve parliament any time he chooses to do so. Alternatively, parliament itself can resolve that it be dissolved with more than half its number of members (113) calling for a dissolution. Beyond declaring that the presidential election would be held as required, Wickremesinghe has not indicated in any way that he favours a parliamentary election ahead of a presidential contest and how that particular papadam will crumble is anybody’s guess.

Basil Rajapaksa’s return to the country last week and the warm welcome he received from members of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) he founded has added to the speculation. Although he spent several months out of the country after he quit the finance ministry and parliament where he was a national list MP, he has retained his title of SLPP National Organizer. There is no doubt that he was in close touch with political developments here from the United States of America where he is a citizen. His vacancy in parliament was filled by billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera who has made no secret of his presidential ambitions. But in recent weeks and months Perera has been less visible as a contender for the SLPP ticket.

Although events around him suggest that Wickremesinghe is anxious to become the president of this country elected by the people, rather than a stopgap president elected by the SLPP to serve out Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s balance term, he has not yet declared himself as a candidate. Nor is he on record saying that he is not a candidate and will ride gracefully into the sunset no sooner his current term ends. Significantly, Basil Rajapaksa whose aficionados once called “a man with seven brains,” accompanied by brother Mahinda lost no time in meeting President Wickremesinghe shortly after BR’s return to the country. There was not much news on the substance of their discussions but one newspaper reported on Friday reported that talks between “Prez, MR and Basil end with no decision on alliance.”

That report also said that the SLPP had demanded clarity on power devolution and restructuring of state institutions. Saying that there was no “final decision on the formation of an alliance ahead of the pending national election,” it added that the party appeared to be sticking by its original ideology on restructuring state institutions. This is a clear indication that the SLPP does not support the divesting of both loss and profit making state owned enterprises. It is unlikely that any such divestment will be possible ahead of upcoming national elections later this year. Finding buyers at the right price will be difficult until the economy stabilizes further. In any event the two sides would have exploredeach other’s intentions.

On top of all this Gotabaya Rajapaksa has written two books in Sinhala and English on “The Conspiracy” to oust him from the presidency. Many will believe that this is a ghost written publication and educated guesses on who the ghost writer is will surely be made. The book accuses unnamed “conspiratorial forces” to be responsible for his ouster and whether these are local or foreign (or both) appear to have been unstated. The book probably took several months in the writing and there wasn’t even a shadow of a hint that it was a work in progress. Whether the timing of its release was carefully calculated to coincide with some political development is also an open question.

Parliament last week elected new chairmen for its various oversight committees that were dissolved on account of the recent prorogation. There had been some unconfirmed speculation that the prorogation itself was a device to have these committees dissolved to get rid of the ruling party’s chair of the Committee on Public Enterprise (COPE). However that be this worthy who attracted national attention by making shushing gestures when a Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) functionary was being interrogated was replaced by a new chairman, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, with an already checkered reputation.

This included a nickname ‘Raththaran’ as he was allegedly, though without proof, accused of having been a chain snatcher on trains before his election to parliament. Though he has strenuously denied such allegations in parliament and told a television talk show that his grandmother had endearingly bestowed this pet name on him, jibes have continued to be made by his opponents enraging the Kalutara district MP.

Hours after his election as the new chairman of COPE got involved in an incident with opposition MP S. Rasamanickam. The latter, raising a motion of privilege on the floor of the House accused Abeygunawadena of attempting to assault him near the prime minister’s office in parliament. Rasamanickam had in a speech earlier in the day made a strong innuendo against the former and this is believed to have been the provocation. However that be, such incidents do nothing to improve the already poor reputation of our parliament and its members.

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‘Post-war accountability: ISTRM urged to consider civil society concerns’

A group of civil society organisations and activists have expressed their concerns over the way the government is trying to address grievances of the Tamil speaking community.

The following is the text of letter, dated March 07, they wrote to Dr. Asanga Gunawansa, PC, Director-General Interim Secretariat for Truth and Reconciliation Mechanism (ISTRM): We, activists, and civil society organisations from, as well as working in the North and the East with war affected communities, write to you regarding the proposed Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation (hereinafter the Commission). Some of us have engaged with the Interim Secretariat for Truth and Reconciliation Mechanisms (ISTRM), including attending the meetings organized by the Secretariat on 9 and/or 26 February 2024 to discuss the proposed Commission.

We draw your attention once again to the attached four statements issued by civil society organisations in the North and East in 2023 setting out their concerns about the proposed Commission as well as their demands to the government. These demands consist mainly of measures to build trust and repair the severely damaged social contract between Tamil citizens and the state. To date, the government has not taken action to implement even a single demand set out in these statements, thereby validating our concern about the lack of political will to provide substantive solutions to the Tamil people where truth, justice and reparations are concerned.

Our skepticism was further affirmed by the failure of the ISTRM to conduct wide ranging consultations with the war affected communities in the North and the East during their consultation process. Only a handful of organisations and activists from the North and East were invited to the meetings held in Colombo on 9 and 26 February despite concerted advocacy for greater inclusion. For instance, the ISTRM did not even attempt to meet the families of the disappeared in the North and East, a critical stakeholder in the transitional justice process.

Given that the Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation Bill states its focus is “the conflict which took place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the period 1983 to 2009, or its aftermath”, the lack of consultations with the very community that is purportedly the focus of the law beggars belief. Even those predisposed to view the proposed Commission as a good faith act to address decades long violations to which the communities in the North and East were subjected, government disregard for, and dismissal of the concerns of the communities regarding the proposed Commission, will surely question the government’s intention.

The concerns we express are evidenced by the government’s repeated declarations that it is determined to ensure the UN Human Rights Council Resolution is not renewed nor a new Resolution passed. Hence, we believe the proposed Commission is one of the means through which the government intends to convince the international community there is no need for another Human Rights Council resolution. If the government’s intent is to resolve decades long grievances of the Tamil community and address grave violations committed against the community, instead of railroading legislation the community does not want, the government would implement at least a few demands set out in the aforementioned four statements to build trust.

While civil society, journalists, activists, families of the disappeared and former combatants amongst others in the North and East continue to be subject to surveillance, intimidation and harassment by the security agencies, while their land is being acquired and occupied and while their places of worship are being destroyed, the enactment of a law and the establishment of a Commission will do little to prevent or mitigate these actions which are in contravention of the Constitution of Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka’s international obligations. They only serve to increase people’s mistrust of the state.

In this regard, we highlight the findings of the public opinion survey conducted by the Sri Lanka Barometre in 2023, which illustrates that “confidence towards the political leadership decreased as a consequence of the crisis for almost half of Sri Lankans, showing a significant effect of the crisis on political confidence”. The Barometre also states that the “decrease in confidence indicates a sense of disappointment and disillusionment among many Sri Lankans in the current political leadership”. It should be noted the lack of trust and confidence in the political leadership is not restricted to the Tamil community as the Barometre reveals that “almost three quarters of people in the Southern Province experienced a drop in confidence”. Hence, in a climate in which the current government does not have public confidence, to establish yet another institution will in no way enable reconciliation in the absence of substantive measures to restore the faith of the people in those that govern them.

The imperative to listen to the voices from the North and East is reiterated by another finding of the Barometre, which states that the “fact that the highest proportion of people showing no change in confidence can be located in the Northern Province could indicate disillusionment with any majoritarian government that is perceived to have ignored the needs and grievances of the Tamil community that make up a majority of the residents in the Northern province”.

In this context, we urge the government to heed the voices of the people of the North and East and implement the demands set out in the four statements issued by civil society groups from the North and East to build trust and show good faith prior to enacting laws or establishing Commissions. The path to positive peace and reconciliation is through building trust and demonstrating good faith through substantive and meaningful actions, not rhetoric, nor establishing Commissions whose recommendations are not implemented.

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Joe Biden's growing frustration with Israel caught in hot mic moment: 'Don't repeat this!'

Joe Biden has seemingly grown exasperated with Benjamin Netanyahu's ongoing response to the October 7 attacks against Israel.

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Ottawa mass murders: Newborn baby among six stabbed to death as teen arrested

Six people, including a newborn baby, were brutally stabbed to death on Wednesday night, police said, in a rare case of mass murder.

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