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Brain drain and kottu roti

Saturday 7th October, 2023

The SLPP-UNP government has earned notoriety for trying to defend the indefensible. It is trying to make light of the mass emigration of educated Sri Lankans, by peddling some ludicrous arguments, one of them being that the human capital flight is a global phenomenon and it has been blown out of proportion here.

State Minister of Media Shantha Bandara has said, in Parliament, ‘brain drain’ is not of recent origin; he heard it the first time when he was in Grade Seven. It is heartening that there is at least one MP who remembers what he learnt in school!

Bandara, however, should have done a proper study of the issue of brain drain, especially its current magnitude, before venturing to speak about it in Parliament. He will have to stop peddling his Grade Seven argument if he does not want the discerning public to think less of him.

Minister Nimal Sirispala de Silva argued in Parliament yesterday that the economy could not be turned around in a hurry, the way a kottu roti was made, for brain drain to be tackled. True, it is not possible to sort out a bankrupt economy overnight although the task of causing an economy to go belly up does not take long. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, in which de Silva was a Cabinet minister, ruined the economy in about two years, and incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe says it will take several years for the country to achieve full economic recovery.

The question is whether Minister de Silva and others of his ilk want the country to wait until such time to address the issue of brain drain. The human capital flight impedes economic development; it deprives Sri Lanka of many of its best brains, making its economic recovery even more difficult.

Minister de Silva has sought to discount the intensity of brain drain affecting this country by claiming that it has not spared even the nations such as the US, Canada and India. But in none of those countries, the problem is as severe as it is here. What is of concern is not brain drain as such but the sheer magnitude thereof in this country. Indians, Americans and Canadians are migrating not because their economies are bankrupt or a bunch of political dregs are at the levers of power in their countries. But Sri Lankans are running away because they are experiencing severe economic hardships, and feel that they and their children have no future here.

Only the naïve will expect the current dispensation to tackle the issue of brain drain effectively. It obviously lacks the capacity to do so; but it should at least admit that the mass emigration of educated citizens, especially professionals, is a problem that warrants serious attention. It cannot wish away the problems it is not capable of solving.

As for the aforesaid ministers’ references to Grade Seven and kottu roti, one may say that even the kottu roti makers who have not received education beyond Grade Seven will run the country much better than the incumbent regime.

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A Sri Lankan initiative to meet global challenges

By Neville Ladduwahetty

President Ranil Wickremesinghe eloquently outlined the current global economic crisis affecting the developing world, in particular the Global South, during his speech at the Berlin Global Dialogue. In the course of his presentation he conveyed the fact that while the developed countries may have the strength and resources to weather the challenges, the Global South is not equipped to meet them.

Attributing the current crisis as being due to a combination of systemic inadequacies in the global order and geopolitical rivalries among the major powers, he concluded by stating that if another crisis is to be avoided it is imperative that these powers engage in a constructive dialogue. His plea was that: “We require a constructive dialogue between the West and China. We need a constructive dialogue between the US and China. We need a constructive dialogue between the EU and China. Otherwise we will not move forward. So this is the stark reality. It is a question of how we get together and how we work, and who is going to take the lead in 2024” (Observer, October 1, 2023).

CURRENT GLOBAL LANDSCAPE

With regard to the global landscape he stated: “The Global economy has had many shocks in the past two decades. Starting from 2008, we went through the European debt crisis, then the Covid pandemic, the economic shocks that have come from it, the whole issue of funding for Climate Change, and the Sovereign Debt crisis”.

“In all these instances, it is the developing economies and the Global South that have suffered extremely. We are now faced with stubbornly high inflation in advanced countries, oil prices edging towards US$ 100 a barrel, and monetary tightening by global Central Banks”.

“One example is that Sri Lanka’s exports to Europe have not increased at all this year. That is an indication of how we are being affected as we try to recover from the crisis we face. The confluence of factors face serious risks for many developing countries. In the Global South, we are facing rising import costs, food, energy insecurity and the problem of our exports. The resulting Balance of Payment stress translates into a weaker economy for all of us”.

“The difference between the advanced economies and the developing nations is that you all have the buffers and reserves to deal with these chocks. We do not. It is from here that the sovereign debt crisis started” (Ibid).

SYSTEMIC INADDEQUACY to ADDRESS CURRENT CHALLENGES

Commenting on the existing financial architecture the President stated: “The many crises and shocks we have discussed today are interlinked. First, we all agree that the core of the international financial architecture today was designed almost 80 years ago. The world has seen dramatic changes since then with many emerging economies in Asia, Middle East, South America and Africa becoming global economic powerhouses…. The international financial architecture available makes the debt restructuring too complex…. The IMF has no mechanism to face this new situation…” (Ibid).

OPTIONS for DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

In the context of the global situation cited above, what options are open to the developing countries. Can they afford to wait until the existing financial architecture and institutional reforms are implemented in time to meet the impending challenges knowing that such reforms would be spearheaded by the developed countries to further their interests as it is with the existing financial architecture. Since the developed countries would be preoccupied with their own priorities, it is unlikely that the needed reforms would be developed in time to make a difference globally.

Under the circumstances since the developing countries cannot wait until the development of the needed reforms, the challenges are bound to overpower the developing countries which in turn would affect the developed world as well. Therefore, the only option for the developing countries is either to act collectively or individually, to develop the architecture needed to meet the challenges.

Since it is unlikely that the developing countries would engage in a dialogue to develop a collective framework that would enable them to survive the rigors of a potential crisis in time, it is most likely that each of the developing countries would opt to make their individual hard choice. Consequently, the choices made by some of the developing countries would be for non-alignment or hedge their fate with each of the major powers while others would opt to bandwagon, or connect with one of the major powers and become a vassal state. These policies would change with the political formations in the developing states; a tendency that would be induced by the major powers hoping to extend their spheres of influence.

As for Sri Lanka, its stated policy is to be Neutral in order to cope with the pressures arising from the rivalries among the major powers due to Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean, while maintaining friendly relations with all States in respect of commercial and cultural endeavours.

OPTIONS FOR SRI LANKA

Since no country has been spared the impact of the global economic crisis, some more than others, Sri Lanka has to seriously revisit some of the policies it has been pursuing to revive its economy. One of the key policies to revive the economy is to focus on an export driven economy. In a background where Sri Lanka’s imports exceed exports, and it is hoping to relax import restrictions even further, such a policy depends on the success of not only adding value to imports but also finding markets for the exports. In view of the shrinking global markets such a policy could turn out to be a costly undertaking.

Another stark reality is that Internal expenditure exceeds Revenue. In such a background how realistically possible is it to attract Foreign Direct Investments or Investors? In order to address this deficit, it is reported that the Government hopes to lift the ban on imports in order to increase revenue concerns of the IMF (The Morning, October 3, 2023). Implementing such a policy would mean a drain on Dollar reserves to raise Rupee revenue and in the process tempt further corruption; a charge already associated with Imports. Exploring such options in the current context is unthinkable unless the imports are only for value addition.

On the other hand, and considering the global situation it would be more prudent to focus not on exports, but instead on reducing imports. For instance, exports from India to Sri Lanka in 2022 were around $4.5 Billion whereas exports from Sri Lanka to India was only $850 Million. If the imports from India were to decrease, it is imperative that Sri Lanka focuses on reducing imports which translates into developing Internal Strengths

SELF-RELIANCE as the MEANS to DEVELOP INTERNAL STRENGTHS

Self-Reliance is a civilizational core value of Sri Lanka. The essence of self-reliance is to develop internal strengths through which the dignity of an independent Nation State is restored. Therefore, as a nation all citizens of the Sri Lankan Nation should pledge to respect and honour the dignity, heritage and identity of all Sri Lankans in order to create a stable and peaceful society as a united endeavor. In addition, the three major communities should engage in a comprehensive dialogue committed to explore arrangements that offer greater dignity and respect for all in preference to current arrangements. Such an arrangement would be for all three communities to share power at the Center and participate in governance processes with the Districts under District Development Committee made up of Public Servants, Chairmen of Local Governments and Members of Parliament in the District becoming the peripheral instruments to implement Government policies.

SUGGESTED FIELDS TO BUILD INNER STRENGTH:

The focus of Agriculture and Irrigation should be to produce all agricultural, horticultural, dairy and poultry products including inputs needed to sustain food security within Sri Lanka, and for export. While high yield varieties of paddy together with inorganic fertilizer for reasons of compatibility are needed for food security, indigenous varieties of paddy using organic fertilizer should be cultivated and marketed as health products for local consumption and exported at premium prices to compensate the cultivator for the lower yields. Irrigation Department to restore ancient tanks in preparation of the consequences of Climate Change.

Instead of divesting Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), their ownership should remain with the State while Management is offered to the Private Sector with selection being based on the effectiveness of the proposals submitted.

The performance of each SME should be reviewed regularly by the relevant Parliamentary Oversight Committee. Local investors to be provided with incentives for investment in renewable energy. The Government should take steps to double the generation capacity of Victoria Hydro Power Facility. Review the rationale of the logic to transfer water from Randenigala to the North via the Upper Elahera Canal at an enormous cost and implement alternatives suggested in previous articles. Allocate unused land acquired by the Land Reform Commission to restore lost ground cover in order to increase precipitation and control runoff to minimize flooding and landslides.

All Acts of Parliament relating to fishing, exploration and exploitation of marine resources in the Exclusive Economic Zone should be updated to include provisions of the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea in other to maximize benefits from these resources and impose penalties for illegal activities such as bottom trawling in the Exclusive Economic Zone.

Regulation of mines and mineral development to be under the Direct Control and Operation of the Government with the guidance of the Geological Survey and Mines Bureau using resident labour of the area to ensure maximum value addition prior to export. Call for Expressions of Interest to add value to the mineral sands that are being exported.

All projects that could be executed with the capabilities and resources within Sri Lanka to be implemented with locally raised funds arranged by the Developer with the Local Banks and underwritten by the State. Projects that are beyond the technological capabilities of Sri Lanka to be implemented on the basis of Expressions of Interest called for by Sri Lanka on the basis of Domestic Policy priorities.

Encourage and facilitate the development of Indigenous Crafts and Cottage Industries. Government to promote community based cultural activities as part of fostering a common Sri Lankan heritage.

CONCLUSION

In light of the global landscape presented by President Ramil Wichremesinghe at the Berlin Global Dialogue, where the developed countries have the reserves and the resources to meet forthcoming challenges while the developing countries do not, it is imperative that most developing countries explore and prepare themselves how best to face the challenges and survive. What is presented herein is an opinion as to how Sri Lanka could adapt itself to meet the challenges bearing in mind that what is needed is not reform and revitalization of existing outdated formulations and structures that have made Sri Lanka vulnerable to shocks, but a paradigm shift, in thinking because the prevailing political and economic global landscape has no known historical parallel.

For instance, all in Sri Lanka are focused on devolution in the form of the 13th Amendment in full or in a diluted form because of the insistence of India. Consequently, the reaction from most would be to reject any other option. Despite such a response, what is proposed herein instead, is to share powers of governance among the three major communities at the Center. Therefore, the decision that has to be made in particular by the Tamil community is whether their aspiration for “dignity and respect” as referred to by Prime Minister Modi, would be fulfilled by managing one of the nine provinces in an agreed form whether to be associated meaningfully in the governing processes of the whole of Sri Lanka.

When making that choice it should not be forgotten that divesting Central power to the periphery often results in disparities within peripheries and among peripheries as has happened in India and the USA. So long as the choice is made by the Tamil Community in Sri Lanka, it should not matter to India because the Tamil Nadu State would accept the choice made by their kin in Sri Lanka. Since no attempt has thus far been made to explore such an option, President Wickremasinghe should invite the political leadership of both Tamil and Muslim Communities and have a comprehensive dialogue as to how Power Sharing at the Center could be arranged in a form that would be acceptable to all in preference to the 13th Amendment.

These proposals to revive the economy are based on Self-Reliance as the means to develop internal strengths. The most recent living example of developing internal strengths is the building of the East Container Terminal. This project was to be implemented jointly by Japan and a Local Agent. The strong protests by the Unions forced the Government to reverse its decision and award it to be constructed by Sri Lanka Port Authority. The initial phase of this project would be commissioned in 2024. This reflects what can be achieved by having confidence in the abilities of Sri Lanka’s own Peoples backed by the power of the core civilizational value of self-reliance to develop internal strengths. This approach should be initiated to meet current and future global challenges.

Neville Ladduwahetty
October 4, 2023.

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Douglas Ranasinghe: Second to none

By Uditha Devapriya

Sena, the protagonist of Madawala S. Ratnayake’s Akkara Paha, embodies for me the hopes and frustrations of the rural Sinhala youth after 1956. Lester James Peries selected Milton Jayawardena, then an unknown player, for the role in his adaptation. Days after he finalised the casting he was visited by Vijaya Kumaratunga.

I think it was a blessing, for both Milton and Vijaya, that the former got to play the character and the latter did not, because Vijaya would have been too brash to depict Sena’s failings and defeatism. Sena is an eminently passive character, whose role in the film is to be used and guided by every other character, in particular the woman who ends up as his destroyer, Theresa, and his friend in the first half of the story, Samare.

Theresa was played by the underrated Janaki Kurukulasuriya, who left the industry soon afterwards, while Samare was played by Douglas Ranasinghe, who stayed in the industry and remains there today. His performance in Peries’s film was so assertive, so unlike the more nuanced, gentle characters he would get to play later, that no less a person than the director remarked that he had great difficulty saving the protagonist from him. This view has been shared by Philip Cooray in his book, The Lonely Artist.

Most of our supporting actors from the earliest days graduated into stars, especially Joe Abeywickrama. Some of them, however, remained behind, perhaps because that’s where they were meant to be: think of D. R. Nanayakkara. Douglas Ranasinghe belongs to neither category, strictly speaking, and for this reason he has managed to distinguish himself. And in distinguishing himself, he has managed to transcend his limitations.

Ranasinghe got to be the secondary player, the supporting actor, in whatever film he was cast in. This has been his biggest strength and limitation, though within his limitations he gives out the best he could. You feel that some of his performances – think of Siridasa from Viragaya – are so calculated that they rise above the main actor. Then you feel that his other performances – think of Kulageya – have him as a side player, whose main function is to propel the narrative, or – think of Aravinda from Yuganthaya here – to serve as the voice of the establishment, of sanity, of plain common sense.

He was born in Kurunegala and was initially sent to the game iskole, the hodiya panthiya. From the hodiya panthiya he was sent to St Anne’s College, where he grew to dote on athletics and other sports. At school he ended up as a Prefect.

“St Anne’s was a missionary school, but unlike today missionary schools took in quite a number of non-Christians. In fact one of my schoolmates was Wijeratne Warakagoda, who was my senior, and who later left to Ananda College.”

Apparently his first love had been the military. This encouraged him to apply for the post of Police Sub Inspector. Failing twice, he succeeded on the third attempt, and was drafted for a training course at Kalutara. By then he had also decided to join Law College.

“Acting never really figured in my scheme. That’s not to say that I shirked the performing arts, but in my day, films and plays were at best leisure activities, never career options. By default, as professions, we had either the government service, the Civil Service, or fields like law, medicine, accountancy, and of course engineering.”

Ranasinghe’s forays into the performing arts were quite accidental. A series of encounters led him to his friend Sathischandra Edirisinghe, who asked Ranasinghe to take his place and play his role, that of a Corporal, in a production of Hunuwataye Kathawa.

“The training course in Kalutara was delayed by three months. Sathis aiya had done me a favour years earlier. I was only too happy to help him out.”

It was a rather auspicious debut, since after seeing his performance, Lester James Peries asked after him, took him in, and cast him opposite Milton Jayawardena in Akkara Paha. Jayasena had, naturally enough, been suspicious.

“He laughed and told Lester, ‘Now, now, you are taking all my good actors away!’”

His role as Samare had been his second, after G. D. L. Perera’s Romeo Juliet Kathawak, released in 1968 but filmed after Akkara Paha. The film is remembered for the Sunil Shantha classic that Ranasinghe croons with a guitar, My Dreams Are Roses. As for Akkara Paha, he remembers his experiences working under Lester Peries with nostalgia.

“With ‘Maestro’, you have got to be sure of what you do. He never bosses you around, but that doesn’t mean you can be complacent or that you can forget your cues. He expects something from you, and opts for three takes. When all three are done, you go for the final take. Because nothing escapes his eyes, you need to remember all three.”

What of his career after these two roles? After taking part in a short film titled Bhavana, directed by the great Paul Zils and entered into the Berlin Film Festival of 1970/1971, he chose to leave for England for a three-year course at the London Film School. The decision, he tells me, was both conscious and spontaneous.

“I left behind a career in law just so I could learn more about filmmaking and acting. At the end of those years, I was asked to stay back and take part in stage productions, to get involved with the Royal Shakespearean Company. But I became homesick. So I came back. Had I stayed behind, I would have been a different man. Who can tell?”

In this second phase after his return, Ranasinghe becomes more restrained in his acting. He has by now weeded out the emotional hysterics which marked out Romeo Juliet Kathawak and Akkara Paha. Those three years in London had clearly helped.

Opposite his co-stars, he has distinguished himself well: Richard de Zoysa, Chitra Vakishta, and Somi Ratnayake in Yuganthaya; Sanath Gunathilake and Sriyani Amarasena in Viragaya; Vasanthi Chathurani, Sriyani, Lucky Dias, and Tony Ranasinghe in Kulageya. We see him in glimpses now: Siddhartha Gautama, Aloko Udapadi, and Dharma Yuddhaya. In his recent performances he has mellowed well. His most distinctive features, in particular his square, firm jaw, continue to lend him both credibility and force.

Yet for some reason, to me at least, his performance as Aravinda in Yuganthaya doesn’t come out as convincingly as his roles in Viragaya or Kulageya. In Martin Wickramasinghe’s novel, Aravinda is a flawed antihero, a parvenu who wishes to join the upper classes. Lester Peries finds an equivalent, somehow, for Ranasinghe through sequences which have him silently wondering through his village and through scenes of him cautioning Malin (Richard de Zoysa) against the latter’s radical tendencies. But we never get used to his performance, because in his other roles he does not caution against rebellion but eventually sides with the rebel. In Yuganthaya, by contrast, he sides with the Establishment.

It is of course a tragedy at one level, but I think we have ignored Ranasinghe’s versatility. For one thing, in addition to film, he has operated in theatre, television, and radio. Not every actor in Sri Lanka has aspired for, much less taken part in, all these fields, which is why his involvement in them throughout his career deserves scrutiny. A comprehensive biography or autobiography has clearly become a need of the hour.

The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at .

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