Monday, September 30, 2024

RALLYING AROUND THE PRESIDENT

Jehan Perera

Public support for the government after the presidential election is on the rise. The first actions of the government have been appreciated by the general public. These include the exposure of former presidential advisors and their vehicles, the investigation ordered into the visa and passport controversies not to mention the peaceful conduct of the post-election celebrations which did not include any taking of revenge against those who had been in power. This is indeed a break with the past when the victors went on the rampage against their political opponents and included innocent ethnic and religious minorities in their frenzy.

The concern about post-election violence was strong this time as the class nature of the political divide made for possible reordering of relationships between those who had been permanently in power and those who had been permanently out of power. In addition, the JVP which forms the core of the NPP has a party constitution that continues to state that it is a Marxist-Leninist party which believes in the expropriation of the foreign-owned property of those at the top of the economic pyramid. The memory also remains among the older generations in particular of the JVP’s violent revolts against the state that led to tens of thousands of people being killed and state and privately owned properties being vandalised.

However, 52 years after the first JVP insurrection of 1971, and 46 years after the second one, the JVP has become a more tempered party. Its violence has been confined since then to the state-run universities. At these universities, the JVP and its breakaway faction the FSP continue to battle with each other and other student associations, even to the extent of traumatising incoming students who are in their first year. If the NPP government can put an immediate end to ragging, it would obtain much sympathy and goodwill from the parents and students who choose to study within the state university system or who have no other option in view of the exorbitant cost of private education.

National Interest

There is also the mainstreaming of the NPP which has occurred through the bringing in of academic researchers, professionals, artistes and civic activists. The JVP has proven successful in drawing on the better elements of mainstream society and initiating new practices which are acceptable to all. These include not celebrating the election victory of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in an ostentatious way that rubs the salt of defeat into the losers. The international media has noted the role the new president has played in bringing the JVP and its broader NPP camp to embrace a centre-left programme that recognises the role business must play in rescuing the country’s economy.

One of Sri Lanka’s leading political thinkers Professor Jayadeva Uyangoda has been quoted in the international media stating that “Labelling the NPP as left, socialist, Marxist is very outdated” and that “Old ideological labels are no longer applicable at this political moment.” There was concern among sections of the international community that the NPP’s foreign policy would be slanted towards communist countries with which it will have an ideological affinity. However, this has not happened so far. The Indian High Commissioner was the first to meet President Dissanayake after his victory. It was also reported in the local media that the Indian Foreign Minister is scheduled to visit Sri Lanka shortly as a follow up to the earlier visit undertaken by President Dissanayake . The new government has also assured the business community that it will stick the course with the IMF agreement, even though they feel that a better job could have been done in negotiating the agreement. The Adani Power Project in the North is likely to be renegotiated for the long term benefit of Sri Lanka.

The main attraction of the NPP to both the Sri Lankan public and international community is its proof of commitment to the national interest. Up until the present time, neither the JVP nor its umbrella grouping, the NPP, have shown parochial or personal interests that take priority over the national interest. This has not been the case in the past with previous governments whose leaders have not shown themselves averse to satisfying their personal interests first before considering the cost-benefit analysis of taking loans, including for white elephant projects. The investigations that the government has ordered into the most recent such scam, involving visas and passports is likely to be the first of many.

Foreign Policy

A foreign policy that is based on the national interest will serve to protect Sri Lanka from getting trapped in the geopolitical tug-of-war that is taking place in the Indian Ocean. It is in Sri Lanka’s interests to have economic ties with those countries that give the greatest economic benefit to the country. This can include China and countries in the Western bloc in addition to India. At the same time, it is in Sri Lanka’s national interests to be mindful of India’s security concerns, which is the concern of a regional great power. The indications at present are that the NPP’s foreign policy will be like Prime Minister Modi’s who has an “India first” policy. It will only be prepared to accept loans, grants and investments that put the interests of the Sri Lankan people first.

It is interesting that a similar type of thinking was prevalent among the LTTE which like the JVP used violence to fight against the Sri Lankan state on behalf of people they felt were being unjustly excluded from equal citizenship and access to the fruits of development in the country. Despite the fact that India had trained and armed them, the LTTE was not prepared to become a foreign policy instrument of the Indian government. Both the LTTE and JVP opposed the 13th Amendment that established provincial councils. Although the LTTE had benefited from its relationship with India it did not accept the 13th Amendment or the provincial devolution of power in the absence of a genuine political will to resolve the issue. But times have changed and old enmities need to be ended and the NPP is well suited to do so.

A Sri Lanka first approach in regard to both healing the wounds of the past on the one hand and banishing corruption in the country on the other will be extraordinarily beneficial to the country and provide a model to a world that needs idealism to sustain hope. But it is likely to engender resistance from those who have, and continue to be large scale beneficiaries of conflict and corruption. Those who are involved in corrupt activities and making private profits as a result, will wish to stop at nothing to fulfill their aims and objectives. The conversation these days, even among those who did not vote for President Dissanayake at the recent elections, is that the new government needs to be safeguarded to take forward its mission which no previous government has done as yet.



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Former MPs ordered to return firearms

By Norman Palihawadane

Former MPs have been ordered to return the firearms issued to them for their personal security to the Ministry of Defence.

A senior Defence Ministry official said that all MPs had been informed by Parliament that they should return the firearms they obtained for personal security.

Parliament sources said that over 100 MPs had obtained small firearms for personal protection.

In addition all police security personnel assigned to former MPs and ministers had been recalled, police said.

However, the police security personnel provided for the former Speaker, former Deputy Speaker and the Opposition Leader would remain in place, Senior DIG (Administration) Lalith Pathinayake said.



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Ragama police bust Facebook party attended by 18 school-going teens

Heroin, ganja, synthetic drugs recovered

By Norman Palihawadane

Eighteen students were taken into custody following a raid conducted by the Ragama police at a Facebook party on Sunday evening, the police said.

The raid was carried out on a tip-off that some under-age students were gathering at a place in a garage of a house at Kendaliyadda in Ragama, police said.

Among those arrested were 16 boys and two girls, all aged between 15 and 19.

The students were from areas including Kotahena, Bloemendhal, Dematagoda, Wellampitiya, and Kolonnawa, attending well-known Colombo schools.

Police recovered heroin, ganja and other synthetic drugs in their possession.

The police said that suspect students would be produced before the Ragama Magistrate’s Court.



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Old Wines in New Democracies:Education in the making

By Sivamohan Sumathy

These are new times indeed. The country is in a celebratory mood. We have a brand new President, and a brand new Prime Minister, who would both enjoy an anticipated majority in Parliament – a government that has infused the people with much hope. Though we have not seen a decisive victory for the new President, the country has woken up to the remarkable change the Presidential election has ushered. The times are also critical. This is the first election after the protests of 2022 – the Aragalaya-Porattam-Struggle movement. Since independence we have seen a see-sawing between two traditional parties, the UNP and the SLFP and their offshoots, coalitions, etc. In Dissanayake, we have a completely new face, a new class of face, a new ethos of politics in the promise that corruption will be eliminated from the practice of governance.

Prime Minister and the Endeavour of Education

If Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the face of a new ethos (to be) , the face of Harini Amarasuriya is even more captivating. With a PhD in Social Anthropology from the University of Edinburgh, and an academic who was formerly attached to the Open University of Sri Lanka, Amarasuriya’s appointment is a cause for further celebration. She is just the third woman Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, the two previous ones being a mother and daughter duo belonging to the powerful family of the Bandaranaikes. Her work on gender, women’s rights, and other related issues buoy up our expectations even further. She brings to the governing table, a dedicated activist engagement, most particularly in education. And she’s our new Minister of Education. The importance of this cannot be overstated.

Amarasuriya, most pronouncedly belongs to the heyday of the activist adventures of FUTA; the extraordinary events of the 2012 FUTA’s campaign for 6% GDP for Education and its history making 100 days of trade union action. Amarasuriya and I worked together, along with many others, even before the heady days of 2012. As members of the informal and ad-hoc committee of activists, called University Teachers for Democracy and Dialogue, we were one of the first activist groups in education to raise the banner of Save State Universities against the erosion of Free Education in higher education. Our campaigns focused on the onset of the rapid programme of neo liberalization brought on by the World Bank-led governing elite, administrators and Colombo-based think tanks.

In the aftermath of FUTA’s 2012 Trade Union Action, Amarasuriya became the Secretary of FUTA, and actively campaigned for change in the Yahapalana Good Governance campaigns of 2014 -15. She was a key figure in the fact-finding commission appointed by the President in 2015 toward the making of a new Constitution. This commission emphasized social and economic rights of the people among other concerns. With this history, one would expect the Minister of Education to advance the cause of Free Education.

The Mandate

We, in academic activist circles, have been fighting, often, a lonely and bitter battle to preserve Free Education, not in its pristine form, but in its basic promise of delivering a message of hope to the people. As we in Kuppi have demonstrated, time and again, Free Education has been one of the very few avenues of social mobility in the country for the majority of the poor and working populations. With hope one turns to the NPP’s election campaign manifesto. The commitment to Free Education is emblazoned in the first pages of the Manifesto. It begins with a demonstration of the critical importance of education in

the formation of the nation’s psyche and the nation’s health.

In general, there is no manifest departure from the policies of previous governments. At its best, it offers a holistic view of the society it envisages. The emphasis on delivery of education that is more equitable in primary and secondary education is laudable. The programme seeks to address the long felt need to make schools more accessible and schooling more relevant to social needs. The emphasis on rural and provincial schools is indeed important. Making schooling easier and accessible in primary education has been a long felt need, and the manifesto seeks to address it. Age-appropriate sex education is a measure many have fought for long and hard. A holistic civic education where one learns about religions rather than one’s “own” and learns about diversity is wholly welcome. The promise to raise teachers’ salaries to a considerable degree will bestow upon the entire profession a dignity that has disappeared from the social scene. It is not just a matter of empowering the teachers that is of importance here, but also the matter of raising awareness of how critical the field of education is.

Trouble in the House of Free Education

While I have praised some of the changes that the NPP-government has signed up to, there are others that give us pause; make us rethink our evaluation of the government’s programme. Free Education, as we know it, is the linchpin of democratic action. In this regard, NPP’s manifesto offers hope in the most general sense and simultaneously, with one stroke of the pen, undoes it. In the election manifesto, the pledge to advance the principle of Free Education as a function of Education is overshadowed by the trending call of Elimination of Corruption that has shaped NPP’s campaign for the last year or so. This has overshadowed and over-shaped its economic policy, too, allowing it to get away scot-free from taking any responsibility for its equivocation on the IMF package. The singular focus on anti-corruption has become so trendy that the public has come to believe in it as a magic pill that will pull us out of the the economic morass we are in. today. This is patent in the way its Higher Education reforms are drawn, particularly where Free Education as a principle is understood and anticipated.

University education is in the crosshairs of privatization and NPP’s policy does little to assure us of a reversal. In the first few lines in the section on Higher Education, A thriving Nation, A Beautiful Life (p.13, https://ift.tt/dkGwaxq), one sees the drift toward privatization. Somewhat opaque in meaning, the opening statement lays bare the way NPP defines the framework for Higher Education:

The new university will be transformed into centers providing advanced theoretical and experimental education. Efforts will also be made to establish a parallel university system that provides international-level advanced professional knowledge

It advocates a dual mode of delivery of Higher Education, one public and state owned, which comes under what we understand as Free Education, and the other, a state-owned or state-sponsored privatized education. More bewildering is the clause that promises to grant 200 students, post-high school, scholarships to study in foreign universities (p. 14).

And, Ah, yes, one other clause has kept me awake at night and this has to do with streamlining students according to skills and abilities at the early ages of 13-14 (p. 11). Vocational training and skills- development are those areas in education that have gained quite some traction in recent times. In today’s political culture, riddled with economic and social crises, the politics of social justice has veered toward the idea of employability and the creation of jobs. This policy move of the NPP may gain wide spread social acceptance, for repeated economic crises, resulting in a dearth of jobs in middle management in state and corporate sectors have given way to heightened insecurity about one’s chances at having a viable livelihood. We need a skilled labour force and not unemployable graduates, is how the argument goes. Few contest this view and I,too, dare not. However, one needs to raise some alarm bells here against the too easy acceptance of such provisions that can normalize class and other social divisions. One has to pose the question, in general terms, about who will be streamlined into the vocational sector and who will “progress” toward academic disciplines.

A Renewal

We are no longer at the crossroads of Free Education. Privatisation is no longer an external force for us in the university system. It is insidiously and invidiously here, amongst us. I come back to Harini Amarasuriya and the days of activism we engaged in, in our fight against SAITM, the opprobriousness of Public Private Partnerships, and the resultant weakening of state universities. At the darkest hour for free education, and in anticipation of darker hours, we need to act with courage; pledge our continued support for Free Education, and be the radical actor that the moment calls us to be.

(Sivamohan Sumathy is attached to the Department of English, University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.



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Sunday, September 29, 2024

Final salute: Royal Navy officer’s ashes laid to rest at Ostenburg Point, Trincomalee

In a solemn and dignified ceremony held at Trincomalee’s Ostenburg Point on Sept. 27, the ashes of the late Lieutenant Norman Schofield, a Royal Navy officer, and Mrs. Marian Schofield, his late spouse, were scattered with full naval honours.

The text of the Navy headquarters statement: “Between 1956 and 1958, Lieutenant Norman Schofield served as a communication officer at the HMS Highflyer naval base in Trincomalee, which was regarded as the second-largest naval base in the world during that period. In accordance with the officer’s final wishes, who passed away in 1999, his and his spouse’s ashes were respectfully scattered following naval traditions.

Honouring the final wish of Lieutenant Norman Schofield, who passed away 25 years ago, his ashes were intended to be scattered at sea in Trincomalee. Unfortunately, this practice has been discontinued due to various complications. According to a special request made by the Defence Adviser of the British High Commission in Sri Lanka, Colonel Darren Woods, to the Commander of the Navy, Vice Admiral Priyantha Perera, the ceremony of scattering the ashes of the late Lieutenant Norman Schofield and his wife at Ostenburg Point was organised by the Naval Dockyard.

Lieutenant Norman Schofield, enlisted in the Royal Navy as a signalman in August 1935, and received his commission in June 1947, during the Second World War. After being assigned to various ships and bases of the Royal Navy, he served as the Port Signal Officer at HMS Highflyer Naval Base, in Trincomalee, from 1956 to 1958. He served in Sri Lanka, stationed at the Trincomalee Naval Base, until its transfer to the Sri Lankan Government in 1957. Honouring the officer’s final wish, his and his wife’s ashes were scattered at sea near Ostenburg Point, Naval Dockyard Trincomalee – a place he held dear to his heart.”



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Nepal closes schools as heavy rains bring country to standstill

Officials in Nepal said schools in flood hit aeas  will be shut in the coming days as landslides and flash flooding triggered by heavy rains have killed some 150 people.

The order on Sunday came as authorities said students and their parents faced difficulties while university and school buildings damaged by the rains needed repair.

“We have urged the concerned authorities to close schools in the affected areas for three days,” Lakshmi Bhattarai, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, told the Reuters news agency.

Entire neighbourhoods in the country’s capital, Kathmandu, were inundated over the weekend with flash floods reported in rivers coursing through the region. The floods also damaged the highways connecting the city with the remainder of Nepal.

Some parts of Kathmandu reported rain of up to 322.2mm (12.7 inches), pushing the level of its main Bagmati River up 2.2 metres (7 feet) past the danger mark, experts said.

Television  images showed police rescuers in knee-high rubber boots using picks and shovels to clear away mud and retrieve 16 bodies of passengers from two buses swept away by a huge landslide, at a site on the key route into Kathmandu.

(Aljazeera)



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Saturday, September 28, 2024

Catholic church assured of impartial probe of Easter attack

By Norman Palihawadane

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has assured the Catholic Church that an impartial investigation into the Easter Sunday attacks will be conducted, according to Rev. Fr. Cyril Gamini Fernando, spokesperson for the Archdiocese of Colombo.

Speaking to journalists in Colombo on Friday (27), Fr. Fernando expressed confidence in the administration’s intentions. He further stated that the Catholic Church does not believe the National People’s Power (NPP) was involved in the Easter Sunday conspiracy.

“We do not think they had any part in the plot, unlike other parties. Therefore, we trust that the current government will allow an unbiased inquiry. However, we would like to remind the President that the Catholic Church will continue to seek the truth,” he emphasised.



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A breath of fresh air

The result of the September 21 presidential election promises, more than anything ever before, the ‘system change’ demanded in 2002 by the Aragalaya as well as many other segments of the Sri Lanka polity outside the agitation. Commentators were correctly unanimous that none of the front runners, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and then President Ranil Wickremesinghe would clear the 50 percent plus one vote margin eliminating a preference vote count for the first time in the country’s presidential election history.

But very few predicted that the eventual winner would be as clearly ahead of the two challengers as AKD was. Neither Premadasa nor Wickremesinghe cleared the 40 percent barrier, while the winner chalked up 42.31%. Wickremesinghe finished a very poor third with just 17.27% of the vote against Premadasa’s 32.76%. Namal Rajapaksa trailed far behind managing 02.57% percent raising doubts of whether the deeply divided SLPP, with Mahinda Rajapaksa showing clear signs of physical infirmity, Basil Rajapaksa gone to his new homeland and Gotabaya sulking in his tent, would remain relevant at the forthcoming parliamentary election. Likely contenders to enter and re-enter parliament positioned themselves for the next round of battle at the now completed presidential contest and the campaign leading to it. Many of them are likely to come a cropper..

There will be no debate that the new president and his NPP/JVP team ran an election campaign unparalleled for its efficiency and organizational brilliance enabling a new player from outside the elite to enter what was often described as a thattu maru field where the UNP and SLFP and their various offshoots took turns running the country. True, the JVP too participated in what it called the “probationary” government of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in 2001 and held three ministries (AKD was the minister of agriculture) there. It also helped Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike and her leftist allies (LSSP and CP) to sweep out in 1970 the Dudley Senanayake government elected in 1965.

But a few months later in April 1971 it launched an armed insurrection to topple the government for the first time in the country’s contemporary history. Popularly dubbed a “handbomb revolution,” rebels using homemade bombs and shotguns commandeered countrywide from farmers and other weapon holders, the outfit styled the Che Guevara movement was able to overrun a few police stations. The government was compelled to enlist military support from neighbouring countries like India and Pakistan as well as the West although no foreign troops were directly involved in suppressing the insurgency.

JVP founder Rohana Wijeweera and the other leaders of the 1971 insurrection were jailed under a Criminal Justice Commission mechanism but were freed by the J.R. Jayewardene regime elected by a landslide in 1977. Asked at that time what would happen if the JVP returned to arms, Jayewardene famously said “let them then first look for a place to hide.” The party thereafter took the parliamentary route towards capturing power when Wijeweera ran for president against Jayewardene and Hector Kobbekaduwa of the SLFP. He succeeded in polling 4.19% of the total vote cast, higher than AKD’s 3.16% at the November 2019 presidential election. This number alone, plus the fact that the NPP/JVP polled under four percent of the vote at the August 2020 parliamentary election, winning just three seats, is evidence enough of the surge in that party’s popularity within a short span of four years.

As readers well know, the JVP’s second armed adventure in 1988-89 was much bloodier than the 1971 insurrection both in terms of rebel action and state retaliation. Thousands of lives were lost on both sides with the Sri Lanka state fighting a civil war in the north taking on, with no holds barred, a bloody insurrection in south. That was a time when a chit delivered by a boy on bicycle could close factories and offices. Wijeweera was executed and much of the party’s leadership and cadre including many innocents liquidated. Dissanayake and his team succeeded to a great extent in persuading the electorate that its bloody history is a thing of the past by broadening the political formation to the NPP/JVP, led no doubt by the JVP but including other liberal organizations, to broaden its remit.

Following AKD’s victory, the NPP/JVP has made the right noises and many who once feared them now look forward to good governance and an end to the corruption in which the greens, blues and the purple satakas consorted. Although many promises have been made by parties that have governed the country, corruption has reigned supreme. The president made a brilliant choice in Dr. Harini Amarasuriya for prime minister. She has made many friends for the party during her short stint in the legislature as a National List MP. Whether she would remain in that position after the parliamentary election is an open question. There has been speculation that whoever wins the most preference votes on the NPP list at the forthcoming election would get the job.

Fridays news that the VFS visa scheme is out and Mobitel’s Electronic Travel Authorization reinstated from midnight has been loudly applauded. Increased fertilizer subsidies for farmers and cheaper fuel for fishermen are likely to win votes. A Westminster-style first-past-the-post election would have surely won a landslide for the NPP. But the forthcoming contest will be on proportional representation and less favourable. AKD will, no doubt, try to inspire those who didn’t vote on Sept. 21 to exercise their franchise. There will be many new faces in the NPP candidate list while the established parties would, most likely, field too many tired old faces reluctant to bow out of the scene.



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Friday, September 27, 2024

‘Low’ voter turnout linked to mass emigration – PAFFREL

By Rathindra Kuruwita

A large number of Sri Lankans left the country between 2019 and 2024, which was one of the main reasons for the lower voter turnout in the 21 September Presidential Election compared to 2019, Rohana Hettiarachchi, Executive Director of the People’s Action for Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), told The Island yesterday.

Commenting on the low voter turnout, Hettiarachchi said that almost 80% eligible voters had exercised their franchise, compared to approximately 81 percent in the 2015 presidential election, and 74.5% in 2010.

“The voter turnout on 21 September wasn’t low; it’s actually a good percentage. We must remember that around 15 percent of the individuals on the voters’ list are no longer in the country. Additionally, another 500,000 to a million people couldn’t reach polling stations due to various obstacles, including not being granted leave from work. In 2019, about 83 percent voted, but since then, many people have left the country,” he explained.

Discussing the upcoming 14 November general election, Hettiarachchi noted that around 3,000 candidates would contest, compared to approximately 80,000 candidates who contested the local government elections.

He further highlighted that presidential candidates were permitted to spend 109 rupees per voter on election propaganda, while candidates for the 2023 local council elections were authorised to spend 20 rupees per voter.

“I believe candidates in the General Election will be allowed to spend an amount somewhere between these two figures. After the nomination period ends, political party representatives will be summoned to the Election Secretariat within five days to finalise the spending limit per voter during the campaign. We’ve already consulted relevant state entities and election stakeholders, and after considering all inputs, the Election Commission will set spending limits for candidates,” Hettiarachchi elaborated.

He also mentioned that candidates are required to submit their expenditure reports within 21 days of the election. The Election Commission must then make these reports public within 10 days, after which the public can lodge complaints regarding candidate spending.

“Soon, candidates for the presidential election will have to submit their expenditure reports. I expect some candidates to submit reports claiming they haven’t spent any money—these are the so-called ‘dummy candidates’,” he said.

He warned that if the Election Commission does not take steps to address the issue of dummy candidates, their numbers will increase in the future. He noted that there had been a recent proposal to raise the electoral deposits candidates must place when contesting elections.

The proposal suggested that candidates from registered parties contesting the Presidential Election should deposit 2.4 million rupees, up from the current 50,000 rupees. Independent candidates would be required to pay 3.1 million rupees, instead of the current 75,000 rupees.

“I understand there are candidates who receive very few votes, but they are not dummy candidates. These are serious individuals who want to promote their political message. We need to consider such people before drastically increasing the deposits,” he said.

Hettiarachchi also revealed that PAFFREL had identified several polling stations with issues related to accessibility and inadequate facilities. In areas like Nuwara Eliya, many polling stations are set up in places such as tea factories, which have minimal infrastructure.

“We are planning to conduct a study on the facilities available at these polling stations. We want to identify polling centres with very limited facilities and assess whether there are alternative buildings that could be used. Sometimes the Election Commission is forced to use certain buildings because they are the only available structures in the area,” he noted.

In some countries, temporary polling centres are established in easily accessible locations, allowing even the elderly and disabled to vote without difficulty, Hettiarachchi said. “In Sri Lanka, some polling stations are located on small mountains. However, the Election Commission is very mindful of these challenges and is doing its best to address them,” he added.

Hettiarachchi pointed out that, given Sri Lanka’s progress in eliminating voter fraud, the practice of marking voters’ fingers with ink is no longer necessary. This practice was introduced before a valid identity card was required for voting.

“Before 2006, presenting your ID was not mandatory. Now, you cannot vote without a valid identity card, yet we still mark voters’ fingers, mainly as a tradition. Several other countries that mandate identity cards for voting continue this practice. However, it’s worth noting that the Election Commission spends a significant amount of money on this ink,” he concluded.



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Thursday, September 26, 2024

Sri Lanka’s new leftist president marks departure from political family rule

by Amalendu Misra

Professor of International Politics,
Lancaster University

Sri Lanka has sworn in 55-year-old leftist politician Anura Kumara Dissanayake as its new president. There was no clear winner after the first round of votes from Saturday’s election had been counted. But Dissanayake, who is commonly known by his initials AKD, emerged victorious after a count of the second-choice votes.

His election is something of a watershed. It was the first time since Sri Lanka gained independence in 1948 that the presidential race was decided by a second round of counting after either of the top two candidates failed to win the mandatory 50% of the vote. And it was also the only time that voters have elected a candidate who does not belong to the country’s traditional ruling elite.

Sri Lanka has long been held in the tight grip of a handful of powerful political families. The Rajapaksa dynasty, for example, had dominated Sri Lankan politics for well over two decades before mass protests over a severe economic crisis unseated the country’s leader, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in 2022.

AKD’s campaign rhetoric centred largely around corruption as the key culprit in the economic woes facing the country. Previous governments have been linked not only to corruption, but also to human rights abuses and the military’s encroachment on the civilian space. Persuaded by his logic of openness and transformation, voters saw AKD as an opportunity to change Sri Lanka’s stale political system.

Following his election, AKD declared in characteristic Marxian mode: “This victory belongs to all of us.” Assuaging the demands of the masses for change will be a priority.

AKD comes from a strong leftwing ideological background. He leads a political outfit called the Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), which is by no means a heavyweight party. It has only three members in the country’s 225-member parliament, and does not come with an attractive pedigree.

The JVP is seen in Sri Lanka as a fringe reactionary party due to its involvement in violent insurrections and targeted assassinations that left thousands dead in the 1980s. Given Sri Lanka’s fractious ethno-nationalist politics, how the JVP and its new national leader carry the masses forward on a national regeneration project would be anybody’s guess.

But AKD has shown himself to be aware of the underlying tensions in the country and, since becoming the JVP’s leader in 2008, has apologised for the party’s past violence. In his swearing-in speech, AKD declared: “We need to establish a new clean political culture … We will do the utmost to win back the people’s respect and trust in the political system.”

The road ahead

There are several critical challenges that AKD needs to face head on – the most important of which concerns the country’s failing economy. After all, it was acute economic hardship that drove the citizenry to vote for political change.

In the past, a substantial portion of whatever Sri Lanka managed to procure through its two main sources of income, tourism and remittances sent home by citizens living abroad, went towards settling its external debts. However, these earnings were hit badly by the pandemic and the country’s economic woes spiralled out of control.

The rate of inflation soared and dwindling reserves of foreign currency resulted in acute shortages of essential goods and services. Then, in May 2022, Sri Lanka defaulted on its foreign debt for the first time in its history.

This scenario quickly led to a national emergency. Faced with the most devastating economic crisis since independence, a countrywide uprising (colloquially known as the aragalaya) ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa from office.

The removal of Rajapaksa secured an uneasy peace, and things have since tentatively improved on the economic front. Ranil Wickremesinghe took over as the interim president in 2022 and his administration managed to secure a loan worth US$3 billion (£2.2 billion) from the International Monetary Fund.

The economy now appears to be on a slow path of recovery. It is expected to grow in 2024 for the first time in three years, supported by a narrower trade deficit and growing remittances.

AKD is aware of the enormity of the burden he carries. As he admitted while accepting the role of president: “I have said before that I am not a magician – I am an ordinary citizen. There are things I know and don’t know. My aim is to gather those with the knowledge and skills to help lift this country.”

His pro-working class and anti-political elite campaigning without doubt made AKD popular among youth, and helped him secure victory. But his ideology may well be at odds with the foreign lenders who have kept the economy afloat for past two decades.Sri Lanka’s new president faces a precarious balancing act to satisfy both a population high on hopes of populist subsidies and the demands of external lenders to tighten the country’s belts.



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Nearly 40 children in India drown during Hindu festival

At least 46 people – including 37 children and seven women – drowned while celebrating a Hindu religious festival in eastern India, local officials said.

The fatalities were confirmed across 15 districts in the past 24 hours.

A disaster management official said the victims died while ritually bathing in rivers and ponds swollen by recent flooding.

The three-day Jivitputrika festival celebrates children’s wellbeing every year and is also marked with mothers fasting for them.

Officials in Bihar said many people ignored dangerous water levels in rivers while bathing to celebrate the festival.   There are fears that the overall death toll could rise further.

State authorities said families and relatives of the victims will receive compensation.

Deadly accidents have occurred in the past across India during major festivals when huge crowds have gathered in tight spaces with little adherence to safety measures.

In July, at least 121 people were killed in a crush at a religious gathering in the northern Uttar Pradesh state.

In 2018, nearly 60 people were killed  after a train rammed into a crowd watching celebrations for Dusshera, a Hindu festival.

(BBC)



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Wednesday, September 25, 2024

Sri Lanka look to push further in World Test Championship

Rex Clementine in Galle

With two back-to-back Test wins at The Oval and Galle in what can only be described as a whirlwind two weeks, Sri Lanka is riding a high in the World Test Championship (WTC). They’re currently lounging at a comfy number three spot. Now, if they can knock out New Zealand again here in Galle, that spot might get stronger, and we could see them inching toward the WTC final at Lord’s next June.

But, Sri Lanka would not want to get ahead of themselves. They still have four more WTC matches left in this cycle—two against South Africa and two against the Aussies. A decent showing there, and we might just see Dhananjaya de Silva’s team packing their bags for the Lord’s final.

Another win in Galle not only bags those all-important WTC points but also marks the first series victory over New Zealand since 2009.

This comes after some other historical highs: beating India in an ODI series after 27 years and snatching a Test win in England after a full decade. Sri Lanka is clearly on a roll, or should we say, they’ve got the cricketing gods smiling down on them.

Sri Lanka will hand Nishan Peiris his Test debut, making him Test cap number 167. The 27-year-old off-spinner was drafted into the squad after Vishwa Fernando pulled a hamstring. Peiris will take over from Ramesh Mendis, who featured in the first Test. But that’s not all—Sri Lanka are also bringing in Milan Ratnayake for Lahiru Kumara. The idea here? Strengthen the lower order. The lower order has been less than inspirational lately. Ratnayake is expected to shore that up.

Sri Lanka’s batting coach, Thilina Kandamby, knows this all too well. “We’ve been working on scoring big in the first innings,” he said. “Lately, we’ve been chasing more than leading because our first-innings totals haven’t been strong enough. There’s plenty of room for improvement with the lower order batting there too.”

Meanwhile, lurking in the opposition’s corner is New Zealand fast bowler William O’Rourke, who gave Sri Lanka some nasty surprises in the first Test with his bouncing balls—no one saw that coming, especially in Galle! Kandamby admitted they were caught off guard but promised they’d be better prepared this time. “We handled the short ball well in England, but O’Rourke’s inconsistent bounce here got us. We’ve got a few tricks up our sleeve for the rematch.”

New Zealand’s coach, Gary Stead, was upbeat despite the loss. “It was a pretty evenly matched contest for the most part. We’ve just got to focus on adapting and taking it one session at a time. These conditions are a world away from home in New Zealand, but we’ve got the skill to handle them.”

There’s also a bit of reshuffling going on in the New Zealand camp. Out goes left-arm spinner Mitchell Santner after a rather forgettable performance with just one wicket and a grand total of four runs in the first Test.

Enter Michael Bracewell, who’ll be hoping to do better. And, on the batting front, Will Young, fresh off a successful County stint with Nottinghamshire, may get the nod over Devon Conway, who’s in a bit of a slump, having gone ten Test innings without a half-century.

With Sri Lanka looking to make inroads and New Zealand aiming to bounce back, this Test promises to be one to watch!

Sri Lanka:

Dimuth Karunaratne, Pathum Nissanka, Dinesh Chandimal, Angelo Mathews, Kamindu Mendis, Dhananjaya de Silva (C), Kusal Mendis (WK), Milan Ratnayake, Prabath Jayasuriya, Asitha Fernando, Nishan Peiris.

New Zealand (From):

Tom Latham, Will Young, Kane Williamson, Rachin Ravindra, Daryl Mitchell, Tom Blundell (WK), Glenn Phillips, Tim Southee (C), Michael Bracewell, Ajaz Patel, William O’Rourke, Devon Conway, Mitchell Santner, Matt Henry, Ben Sears.

Umpires:

Michael Gough (ENG) and Nitin Menon (IND)

Third Umpire:

Ahsan Raza (PAK)

Match Referee:

Javagal Srinath (IND)



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Let us unite to create a thriving and beautiful country that embraces diversity- President

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in his inaugural address to the nation on Wednesday (25) called upon all Sri Lankans to unite to create a thriving and beautiful country that embraces diversity.

The full text o the President’s address follows

“Esteemed Maha Sangha and Religious Leaders, Parents, Brothers, Sisters and Children, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all the people of this country who have listened to our voices over the decades and breathed life into the programs we proposed.

“We believe that the victory you have given us will be even more strengthened if it brings joy to those who may not have agreed with our vision. Therefore, I want to dedicate this victory to all citizens of our nation.

“We honour and remember the courageous men and women of rprevious generations who made sacrifices, some with their lives, for this victory. I see this victory and the prosperous nation we aim to build as a tribute to their legacy.

“We believe that all people, including those who trusted us despite slander, falsehoods, and misinformation, and elected our political movement with great determination have the strength to shoulder the responsibility of building this nation together.

“We are capable of fulfilling this role as a united team, and we have a talented team dedicated to this mission. Our determination is unwavering.

“The change we seek involves many steps that will take time. However, achieving stability and confidence in the current economy is crucial. We plan to begin negotiations with the International Monetary Fund immediately and proceed with activities related to the extended credit facility. Additionally, to advance our debt restructuring program, we are negotiating with relevant creditors to expedite the process and secure necessary debt relief. We are confident that we can gain the support of both the people of this country and the international community, and we believe that through this collective support, we can achieve success.

“A key concept that resonates with the public is our commitment to making a “difference.” One of the primary changes citizens expect is to eliminate the negative traits in our political culture. Our track record thus far supports this commitment. Notably, we succeeded in making the presidential election the only one in Sri Lanka without reports of post-election violence, which reflects the trust the people have placed in us. Our aim is to confirm and stabilize this positive situation.

“At this moment, I want to highlight the importance of engaging in politics with a collective focus on building our country. We are committed to providing that leadership.

“Regardless of whether one identifies as Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, Burgher, or Malay, our nation will not thrive until we create a practical environment where everyone can proudly say, “We are Sri Lankan citizens.” We will not hesitate to implement the necessary constitutional, economic, and political reforms. We are launching a permanent program to build a unified Sri Lankan nation that respects diversity, fully ending the era of division based on race, religion, class, and caste.
We have already taken significant steps to appoint efficient and honest officials to oversee these initiatives. We are advancing steadily toward the desired changes, ensuring that public service remains intact and citizens are not adversely affected.

“We are committed to creating a law-abiding nation and fostering a disciplined society while ensuring the social security of all citizens. This revives the principle that everyone is equal before the law.

“We believe that public service plays a crucial role in nation-building. To that end, we will establish a public service that instills pride in the community and aligns with the government’s goals. Our commitment is to create an efficient, honest, and people-focused public service.

“Our goal is to improve the standard of living for the people of this country. We are implementing practical programs to alleviate the heavy burdens faced by our citizens.

“No parent in this country should have to worry about their child’s future. Every parent deserves the right to provide their child with access to quality schools and education. We are fully committed to securing the future of the next generation by ensuring excellent education for all children. By fostering knowledge, attitudes, and skills, we are building a promising future for the young generation of our country.

“When we visit a country, the airport often offers a first impression, reflecting its order, the behaviour of its people, their work ethic, and cultural practices. It also reveals the country’s cleanliness, how vehicles are driven, how the elderly are treated, the hospitality shown, and even how animals are cared for. We have developed clear plans to enhance Sri Lanka’s image in these areas, with short-term, medium-term, and long-term initiatives already underway.

“Our goal is to create a nation where the world respects our passport, and where every citizen can proudly say, “I am a Sri Lankan.” We aim to build a country where citizenship is a source of pride for all. Achieving this vision will require the collective effort of every citizen.

“We are committed to creating a system that upholds social justice for all, and we will do so with the highest sense of responsibility.

“We are building a secure future for our children and youth through a program that promotes knowledge, skills, education, and entrepreneurship.

“The women in our community, who make up over 52% of our population, play a vital role in both the economy and the social fabric of our country. We are actively working to enhance women’s representation across all institutions. As a testament to our commitment, we have already appointed a woman as Prime Minister.

“A significant portion of our population consists of individuals with disabilities who require special social protection. To support this group, we have proposed a robust social safety net and are implementing short-term measures to address their needs.

“We ensure that no group within our society is overlooked on our journey forward. By respecting each other’s identities and harnessing them positively for the country’s progress, we make our collective contribution.

“We hold a strong belief in the sovereignty of the people and are committed to safeguarding their democratic rights.

“I understand that some may feel uncertain due to doubts about us, but I  am determined to earn your trust through my actions. I welcome your constructive criticism and encourage you to join us in building the future together. If we can set aside our differences, I believe you will see that we share the same goals. Together, we can confront the challenges facing our country and develop the necessary strategies to move forward. Our doors are open to all who are genuinely and positively committed to the progress of our nation.

“We require a Parliament that accurately reflects the will of the people. The existing Parliament does not represent that will. Therefore, I took the step yesterday to dissolve it. A cabinet was appointed in line with our parliamentary representation to guide the country in accordance with the constitution.

“There is one dream our people see every new day the sun rises. That is “tomorrow will be better than today!”

“However, you and I both know that for many years, this has remained merely a dream. Opportunism, the greed of power, and authoritarianism has hindered our country’s progress.

“But tnow we have our final opportunity which cannot be missed. Let us unite to create a thriving and beautiful country that embraces diversity. “(PMD)

 

 



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Tuesday, September 24, 2024

Navy helps distressed Indian fishing craft in Lankan waters

The Navy and Coast Guard assisted an Indian fishing trawler that had drifted into Sri Lankan waters near Kovilan Lighthouse, Jaffna, due to mechanical failure. After inspecting the vessel on Sept. 22, 2024, repairs were carried out, and the trawler, along with its five crew members, was safely escorted up to international maritime boundary on the following day, Navy headquarters said.

The Northern Naval Command spotted a fishing trawler drifting in our waters off the Kovilan Lighthouse. The newly acquired trawler was on its way to Visakhapatnam from Kanniyakumari, when it encountered the breakdown.

The Navy later towed the distressed trawler to Kankasanthurei harbour, after informing the Consulate General of India, Jaffna. Subsequently, repairs were made to its defective rudder shaft bearing by the Command Naval Engineering Department (North). Afterward, the trawler was safely escorted up to IMBL on 23rd September.



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President dissolves Parliament. General Election on 14 November 2024

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has signed the Extraordinary Gazette notification dissolving the Parliament of Sri Lanka effective from midnight yesterday  (24).

The Gazette notification specifies that nomination papers will be received by the Returning Officers  from October 04 and will end at 12 noon on  October 11, 2024

The date of the general election has been fixed for November 14, 2024



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Sri Lanka call up uncapped offspinner Nishan Peiris for second New Zealand Test

Uncapped offspinner Nishan Peiris  has been drafted into Sri Lanka’s squad for the second and final Test against New Zealand after seamerVishwa Fernando  pulled up with an injury.

“Vishwa Fernando had developed a tightness in his right hamstring while practicing,” SLC said in a statement on Tuesday, adding that the fast bowler will undergo rehabilitation at the board’s high-performance centre.

Vishwa didn’t play in the first Test against New Zealand, which Sri Lanka won by 63 runs, and with seam playing a limited role thus far, it’s unlikely he would have found himself in the side come Thursday’s second Test.

The 27-year-old Peiris, meanwhile, might have an outside chance of making it into the playing XI. Despite having made the Test squad twice in the past, back in 2018 and earlier this year in March, he’s yet to make his debut. But with Ramesh Mendis’  performance coming in for criticism from skipper Dhananjaya de Silva following the end of the first Test, there is some doubt over his position in the team.

Mendis, whose dip and turn can be difficult to tackle when he’s at his best, grabbed six wickets – three in each innings – in the first Test, including the pivotal one of Daryl Mitchell in the second innings. But he often lacked control, and his leakiness frequently took the pressure off the New Zealand batters. Though his performance in the second innings was much improved, his economy rate was still the poorest of Sri Lanka’s spinners.

Peiris has picked up 172 first-class wickets across 41 matches at an average of 24.37. He recently turned out for Sri Lanka A  in South Africa, where he picked up three wickets in the first unofficial Test.

(Cricinfo)



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Monday, September 23, 2024

Fulfilment of Aragalaya at presidential election

by Jehan Perera

The extraordinary events that took place during 2022 have reached their denouement at the recently concluded presidential election.  The Aragalaya protests that lasted for over three months in the middle of 2022 that were spearheaded by youth and became a mighty protest movement by tens of thousands of people from all walks of life and all parts of the country finally drove the then president and government from power.  But as the president and government they forced out had more than two years of their terms remaining, being elected in 2019 and 2020 respectively, the protestors could only force the government to resign. They could not replace it with a government of their choice until elections were due again, which happened on September 21.

Now, in another extraordinary turn of events, the Sri Lankan people have elected a new president with a democratic mandate that comes from having won the presidential election of 2024.  President Anura Kumara Dissanayake comes from outside the mainstream political parties that have dominated Sri Lanka’s political life from the very dawn of Independence from colonial rule in 1948. More than any other candidate, Anura Kumara Dissanayake represented the spirit of the Aragalaya protest movement of 2022 which called for “system change” and for new faces in politics. Underlying both these demands was the conviction that the Augean Stables of corrupt government needed to be cleansed.

The victory of NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake is a testament to the strength of Sri Lankan democracy that has given space to all those who wish to contest democratic politics to come to the fore.  At the last presidential election in 2019, President Dissanayake was able to obtain only three percent of the popular vote.  This time around, contesting a field of 38 candidates, including the incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe and Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa he was able to garner 43 percent of the vote in the first count.  Although needing to go to a second count due to his inability to secure more than 50 percent of the vote, he was a comfortable winner by more than a million votes.

TWIN DEMANDS

There were two special features that paved the way for President Dissanayake’s extraordinary rise to become the president and head of state of the country.  The first was the economic collapse that the country experienced in March 2022 when it ran out of foreign exchange and was forced to declare international bankruptcy.  The sufferings of the people, which included shortages of medicines and cooking gas, kilometer long lines of every sort of vehicle outside of petrol stations and sky high prices led to the crystallisation of two key demands—for system change that would rid the country of its entrenched corruption and for new faces in the political arena.

The protest movement was able to force President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government to resign.  But they could not replace him with a person of their choice. Instead it was President Ranil Wickremesinghe, elected by parliament, who replaced him. The new president did not conform to the Aragalaya’s two main demands.  Instead he was successful in halting the country’s economic plunge and restoring economic stability while also ensuring that the external manifestations of the protest movement was suppressed. There was neither system change nor was there a significant change in the faces in government.  Most of them remained, and along with them the corruption that the protest movement and virtually the entire country believed was rampant, which continued as before.

The steep rise in the support for the JVP of which President Dissanayake has been the longtime leader and the NPP which is a newer and more broad-based grouping reflects the popular desire for system change and for new faces in politics.  The largest bloc of voters at the presidential elections have seen in President Dissanayake the best hope that the unfulfilled demands of the Aragalaya protests will be met.  However, the challenges facing the new president will be formidable.  The economy continues to be vulnerable.  The government’s expenditures continue to outstrip its earnings despite the moratorium on the repayment of most of the outstanding international debt till 2028.  But the expectations of the general population will be high that the new president, with his commitment to the masses of people, and to change, will be able to turn the situation around and make their lives better in the not too distant future.

STRENGTH NEEDED

The challenge to the new president will be compounded by the resistance that is likely to be generated through attempts to change the prevailing system.  Corruption and abuse of power has become part and parcel of the government, state and society, and at every level, and attempts to change them will invariably generate both open and hidden resistance.  Andrew Jackson, the 7th President of the United States (1829-37) said that “Society is a mule, not a horse. If pressed too hard, it will throw off its rider.” This metaphor emphasises the idea that societal change should not be forced too quickly, or it may react unpredictably, resisting or rejecting such pressure. There is also the need to build broad based support for the changes at every level, including at the party political level.

The new president also needs to keep in mind that more than half of the electorate did not vote for him and the views and apprehensions of that sector of society too need to be considered.  This would be particularly true of the ethnic and religious minorities.  It is observable that the areas in which President Dissanayake was not able to secure a preponderance of the vote were those areas in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominated. The memory of the JVP’s role in opposing the 13th Amendment at the time of its inception in 1987, the continued antipathy to the devolution of power, the reluctance to accept that ethnic and religious identities require their own space and autonomy are issues that will need to be dealt with consultatively rather than through a single formula approach.

Since 2014 when he became the JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been one of the most articulate and intelligent critics of policies put forward by governments and rival political parties, speaking in simple and clear language, and giving support where needed.  When he gave constructive support to the efforts of the government during the period 2015-2019 and opposed the constitutional coup of 2019, he was even referred to as the “red elephant” that bracketed him with the green elephant symbol of then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s political party. This is the background and the strength he will need to utilise to win the trust of both the people who did not vote for him and his political rivals “to build a thriving nation and beautiful life.”  Ensuring the inclusion of minorities in this vision, and on the ground, would be of significance if the one country they speak of is to be realised.



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Sunday, September 22, 2024

“President elect Anura Dissanayake, with deepest affection, I entrust to you “the beloved child of Sri Lanka” – President Wickremesinghe

President Ranil Wickremesinghe, making a farewell speech, yesterday. expressed his deep gratitude to the people of Sri Lanka. He acknowledged that in accordance with the will of the people, the leadership of the country should now be passed on to President Anura Dissanayake.

President Wickremesinghe extended his sincere thanks to all those who supported him during his tenure. He reflected on his role as a caretaker, stating that he had guided “the beloved child of Sri Lanka” across significant challenges, symbolized by the “Vine Bridge,” and expressed his confidence that under President Dissanayake’s leadership, the journey will continue safely and successfully.

Text of President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s speech:; “Ayubowan! Dear Citizens, The people of the country have given their decision at this Presidential Election held on 21st September 2024. Therefore, we must respect their decision and act according to that mandate to ensure the functioning of the country.

“Two years ago, I took over a bankrupt country and a collapsed economy at an extremely turbulent time. I accepted the challenge at a time when no one else had the courage to face it. I successfully completed the responsibility that history put upon my shoulders.

“I was able to rescue my motherland from bankruptcy within a short period of two years.

“I believe this to be the most important thing I could do for my country during my political career. Inflation was 70% when I took over the country, but I could reduce it to 0.5% during my time as the President. I increased the Foreign Reserve, which was at USD 20 Million when I came to power, to USD 5.7 Billion.

“I was able to ensure that the Sri Lankan Rupee which was 380 against the US Dollar, came down to a strong and solid amount of 300. Also, when I took over, the economic growth of the country was negative 7.3% (- 7.3%). But I was able to increase it to positive 2.3% (2.3%). I am happy and proud about it.

“I believe that the future generation of the country will give the proper assessment for my historical political role, the way it deserves.

“I am aware that my place in history as the ruler of this country will be decided not today, but in future.

“I followed the right path and saved people from hunger and sorrow.

“I hope that the new President will also follow the right path and put an end to the remaining issues that the people are facing.

“I was eventually able to carry the dear child called Sri Lanka along a long distance safely – on the dangerous rope bridge. Close to the very end of the rope bridge, people have decided to handover the dear child called Sri Lanka to President Anura Dissanayake.

“Mr. President, here I hand over to you with much love, the dear child called Sri Lanka, whom we both love very dearly. I wish that you will be able to carry this child away from the bridge to the other bank, even safer than the way I carried the child.

“I will be devoted to serving my motherland with or without power, with or without a post or powers, for the rest of my life.

“I wish to thank everyone who supported me, who did not support me, and all the citizens of the country during my time as President. Thank you.”



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Saturday, September 21, 2024

Vegan lunch buffet in collaboration with Forest Garden Organics

In a momentous step towards sustainability and health-conscious dining, Mount Lavinia Hotel (MLH) officially launched its Poya Organic Vegan Lunch Buffet in partnership with Forest Garden Organics. This exclusive lunch buffet, recently held marks a significant evolution from its longstanding tradition of offering vegan meals on Poya days to a fully organic experience.

The hotel hosted a stimulating panel discussion at the Maitland State Room, before moving to the Governor’s Restaurant to experience the newly curated organic vegan menu, where a distinguished panel of experts gathered to discuss the myriad facets of organic and vegan dining. The panel featured Anura Dewapura, Chief Operating Officer of Mount Lavinia Hotel; Professor Ananda Chandrasekara, Nutritionist and President of The Nutrition Society of Sri Lanka; Chef Publis Silva, Director of Culinary Affairs and Promotions at Mount Lavinia Hotel; Kasumi Ranasinghe, Environmental Psychologist and Sustainability Advocate; and Dammika Abeyratne, Founder of Forest Garden Organics. The insightful discussion was moderated by Tashie Jackson, Head of Vegan Sri Lanka.

Anura Dewapura opened the event by highlighting the historical commitment of Mount Lavinia Hotel to environmental sustainability and innovation in hospitality. “MLH was among the first hotels to receive EarthCheck certification, a testament to our early dedication to energy and water conservation,” Dewapura noted. “In recent years, we’ve faced challenges, but we are resolutely focused on restoring our legacy and leading the way in conscious consumption. This new fully organic vegan buffet is not just a competitive edge but a reflection of our commitment to quality over quantity, providing nutritious and healthy options that challenge the notion of buffet dining.”



Dammika Abeyratne shared his personal journey into organic agriculture. After a stressful career in accounting led to health issues, Abeyratne turned to his father, an Ayurvedic doctor, whose natural remedies inspired him to embrace organic farming. “This collaboration with Mount Lavinia Hotel is a significant step for Forest Garden Organics,” Abeyratne explained. “It amplifies our mission of raising awareness about organic agriculture and highlights how organic practices can enhance overall well-being.”

Professor Ananda Chandrasekara expressed his appreciation for the platform provided by MLH to discuss nutritional benefits. “Sri Lanka needs more forums to enhance nutritional literacy,” Chandrasekara stated. “It’s crucial for people to understand that not all vegetarian foods are inherently healthy. It’s about making informed choices, focusing on nutritious items, and managing portions wisely.”

Kasumi Ranasinghe addressed the sustainability and environmental aspects of the initiative. “Sustainability is about preserving resources for future generations,” Ranasinghe emphasized. “Minimizing food wastage and making conscious choices are core to our environmental responsibility.

The shift to fully organic dining aligns with these values and meets the growing demand for responsible consumption.”

Chef Publis Silva highlighted the importance of taste in vegan and organic food. “No matter how nutritious or sustainable a dish is, it must also be delicious to be truly successful,” Silva noted. “Our role as culinary experts is to ensure that our food not only meets high standards of health and sustainability but also delights the palate.”

Following the enlightening panel discussion, attendees moved to the Governor’s Restaurant to sample the new menu. The newly curated Poya Organic Vegan Lunch Buffet at Mount Lavinia Hotel offers an exquisite selection of dishes that celebrate both innovation and tradition.

Guests can indulge in the velvety Drumstick Cream Soup, a perfect starter for a hearty meal. Among the standout main courses is the Jerk Spicy Roasted Kidaran, a flavorful roasted Elephant Foot Yam, and the Lentil Meat Loaf with Cherry Tomato Confit, showcasing a delightful fusion of textures and tastes. For sushi lovers, the Assorted Sushi Platter features the vibrant Nil Katurolu Maki Rolls and creamy Avocado Maki. The Italian-inspired offerings include the Dandila Gnocchi with Kochchi Aglio Olio and Homemade Fresh Tagliolini, both brimming with rich, savory flavors. The Tapioca Vegetable Burger and Polos Kofta with BBQ Sauce are sure to satisfy those seeking hearty and satisfying plant-based options. Additionally, the buffet presents a variety of traditional Sri Lankan dishes, including Kuruluthuda Rice, Nil Katarolu Rice, and flavorful curries such as Ala Kola Maluwa and Kidaran Dalu Dry Curry. To end the meal on a sweet note, guests can enjoy the refreshing Dandila Float and Crispy Ash Plant, along with Coconut Sprout with Tropical Fresh Fruit & Kithul Treacle, a tantalizing dessert that captures the essence of local flavors. The unique Beetroot Hopper and Katarolu Hopper offer a traditional touch, completing a diverse and delicious buffet experience.

Mount Lavinia Hotel’s new Poya Organic Vegan Lunch Buffet represents a bold leap forward in the realm of sustainable dining. By embracing fully organic ingredients and continuing to offer exceptional vegan options, MLH is setting a new standard in the hospitality industry, demonstrating that healthy, eco-friendly dining can be both innovative and indulgent.



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Islandwide Curfew from 10pm to 6am

Curfew has been imposed islandwide with effect from 10.00 p.m. today (21) until 06.00 a.m. tomorrow (22).

 



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Friday, September 20, 2024

Country’s agro-economic regions will be increasingly affected by extreme weather in coming decades

By Rathindra Kuruwita

Sri Lanka’s agro-economic regions will be increasingly affected by extreme weather events, leaving the population more vulnerable to the impacts of climate change in the coming decade, Eng. Ananda Jayaweera said at a recent event organised by the Institution of Engineers, Sri Lanka (IESL).

“Wet areas will experience more rainfall, while dry zones will expand. The intermediate regions of the country will become hotter, and Sri Lanka’s agro-economic areas will face extreme events such as floods, landslides, and droughts. The temperature changes in these regions will impact plantations and natural resources,” Jayaweera predicted.

He explained that floods, droughts, landslides, and salinity intrusions are common hydro-meteorological disasters faced by Sri Lankans.

Jayaweera also highlighted a significant reduction in the country’s forest cover, which has dropped from 48 percent to 28 percent over the past seven decades. Of this, approximately 24 percent consists of closed canopy natural forests, seven percent are degraded forests, and 13 percent are home gardens.

“This is deeply concerning,” he remarked.

According to Jayaweera, dividing the Sri Lankan map based on the Köppen climate classification system, reveals that the country encompasses nearly all climate zones. The Köppen classification, a widely-used, vegetation-based climate system, was developed by German botanist-climatologist Wladimir Köppen.

The key challenge for engineers in the coming decades, Jayaweera asserted, will be to develop climate-resilient infrastructure. This will require a deep understanding of local challenges, the efficient use of energy and water, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and maintaining a low carbon footprint.

“We must also conduct climate risk assessments and opportunity analyses. Engineers need to be more diligent in identifying location-specific hazards during the feasibility study phase and building resilient infrastructure. The five pillars of climate resilience are threshold capacity, coping capacity, recovery capacity, adaptive capacity, and transformative capacity,” Jayaweera explained.

He pointed out that burning one litre of gasoline produces approximately 2.3 kilogrammes of carbon dioxide. Jayaweera lamented that environmental concerns were not adequately addressed during the construction of the Southern Highway.

“When it rains, landslides occur, and parts of the road flood. We end up spending significant amounts to rectify these issues,” he said.

Jayaweera emphasised the importance of sustainable development and foresight in engineering, encouraging engineers to consider the long-term impact of their projects. “We need to think about what will happen to a project in 10 years. Anticipation and foresight are crucial.”

He added that compensation costs during the construction of the Southern Highway were the second-highest expense, and the project was built using loans.

An environmental management and monitoring plan should be in place during construction, Jayaweera noted. Implementing such measures could enable Sri Lanka to build better.

He also reminded the audience that Sri Lanka is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world, with a far more sensitive environment than many other nations. “This is something we need to consider. The Southern Expressway does provide benefits—faster travel, improved fuel efficiency, fewer traffic jams, and reduced pollution. A lot of time is saved,” he said.

However, Jayaweera argued that more could have been done to mitigate the project’s environmental impact. “For instance, the drainage system on the highway channels water to the roadside, but in more developed countries, drainage is collected in ponds before being released into the environment. This can help remove sulphur and carbon from the water. Drainage water also contains tyre sludge, which we must not release directly into the environment. We need to think more carefully about these issues,” he concluded.



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Thursday, September 19, 2024

Presidential election 2024 and Tamil votes

by B. Nimal Veerasingham

The presidential election would be soon over with new President being elected. He would be the president for the entire country irrespective of the ideological or religious/ethnic/educational/class differences of the populace.

Though the frontrunners are clearly identified many joined the bandwagon for reasons known and unknown. But there is one unusual twist, in particular to the placement of what is known as the common ‘Tamil’ candidate. There is another segment who wants to make a protest against the whole process by boycotting it. Who said you can’t continue to complain without voting? The emerging idea on the notion is to express solidarity with the unsolved grievances of the Tamils and to make it a demand or request to the newly elected President, somewhat like a collective petition.

The word diaspora, denoting the ‘Tamil diaspora’ is very much quoted in conversions, social/mass media or by commentary by the politicians and political pundits with just one purpose. That is to paint and perceive those who are designated with anti Sri Lankan sentiment and consider those against the interests of the country at large, notably to damage the reputation of the country.

There is a lot of inaccuracy to that description by continuing to bundle all Tamils who left the country to settle in another. Of course, technically they could be described as Diaspora, but not necessarily as a negative force at its entirety in the current context! I am not sure those who continue to use the word ‘diaspora’ knowingly understand or just consider it a status quo as in the case for the last 40 years plus.

Some weeks ago, in Toronto, Canada, one group of Tamils interrupted and created mayhem in order to sabotage an annual street festival organized by another Tamil group. Though skirmishes of this nature did happen on and off in the past, this culminated in an attempt to disrupt a well attended and well-known festival. The event is one of the main highlights of Tamil identity and celebration for three days participated by thousands of people, the venue being a stretch of busy roadway, a connecting artery to many cities and highways, but closed to accommodate the festival.

One of the key reasons propagated by the group which interrupted, is the sponsorship and participation of the other group in the ‘Himalayan accord’ process, meaning the idea of collaboration, reconciliation and participation towards common prosperity or shared governance is nowhere in their alphabet. It is difficult as some analysts suggest that the war time leniency towards fascist ideology has a long-term impact on this segment of followers, still living in the past.

It is well known that centralized autocracy, militarism, subordination of individual interests and forcible suppression of opposition are some characteristics of fascism, cloaked as political ideology leveraging on mass discontent. They point out that the group is still grappling to come out of that strain in accepting new realities in a changing world and common aspirations, without losing one’s identity. This is in clear conflict of what an average Tamil traditionally known for; educational upliftment, enterprising entrepreneurship and commercial farming whose fundamentals includes individual freedom, choice, clean governance and ownership of property.

As per political analysts, after the end of war there was lot of soul searching among the diaspora members, not so much as to what happened but how best the future path be paved to the best interest of people in the East and North. The average household abroad as per unofficial data, allocates 3-5% of their income towards the immediate and long-term welfare of common good including their kith and kin back home. Many aspiring investors and industrialists have already ploughed sizable funds in going beyond the individual households in establishing commercial enterprises including tourist, industrial and agrarian developments. It’s a coincident that even some of the mega investors have roared into entertainment business producing mass cinema productions that was not tried before in size and magnitude.

The Toronto incident is a clear reflection of forces at the opposite ends at power play, one steeped in the past and one forging ahead. As the diaspora is a microcosm for homeland comparison, its evident that the same forces are at play on home soil too. The side with a common Tamil candidate in place or the one for complete boycott, merely hangs on simply showcasing its historical and current plights, harbingering the continuation of ‘protest politics’. Sometimes its propagated as an expressed referendum to international agencies, where solution as everyone knows could mean only on paper alone! On the other hand, supporting a potential winning candidate from the majority could bring in measurable benefits, both on short and long term, argue the Progressives.

Though many in the current political spectrum both centered in Colombo and North/East do not openly admit or elaborate, is about the economic giant next door. Time-to-time the subject is being touched though it doesn’t get enough traction among political pundits, academics and economic planners.

Tamil Nadu which is just 40+ miles North, is an economic powerhouse in the whole of India with an expected Trillion-dollar economy. It ranks # 1 in industries and skilled industrial force, leading in automobiles, auto components, textiles, chemicals, engineering, electronics and MedTech industries. Just for comparison ask any informed Canadian diaspora about Canada’s prosperity in relation to its economic giant US next door. Its nearly 70% of exports annually valued $ 500 Billion each way is with US, which has 10 times the population and economy. This is in comparison with only 5% with China.

In the current Presidential election in Sri Lanka, though there are clear roadmaps for abundant hope for greater prosperity for the nation in the horizon, there are too many distractions, distortions and most importantly to weigh in the right candidate. As for the Tamils, especially in the East and North, they have to rely on their sixth sense to battle their demons despite historical grievances and destructions of the past, to propel a better future for their children.

As in the words of Tamil leaders of the past, ‘Fatherly’ Mr. S.J.V, Chelvanayagam and ‘Upright’ Mr. K.A.W. Ariyanayagam, ‘Let the Good Lord grant wisdom and protection to the Tamils’.



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National Security Council reviews security measures for 2024 presidential election

The National Security Council convened this morning (19) at the Presidential Secretariat, chaired by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, to discuss security arrangements for the upcoming 2024 presidential election.

The council focused on ensuring the election is conducted independently and fairly, with full support pledged to the Election Commission to maintain law and order.

Key discussions included safeguarding candidates, securing polling centres, and upholding security at polling stations.

Additionally, President Wickremesinghe directed security agency heads to take all necessary steps to maintain peace and stability in the country during the post-election period, ensuring minimal disruption to the daily lives of citizens.



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Wednesday, September 18, 2024

Sins of ‘saviours’

Thursday 19th September, 2024

The mandatory cooling-off period prior to an election is time for reflection. But it is doubtful whether Sri Lankans make the best use of it, for informed voting is a rarity in this country. Promises, rhetoric, handouts, gimmicks such as inflated crowds usually sway voters if the voting patterns at the last few elections are any indication. One can only hope that there will be a difference this time around, and the public will vote wisely.

All formidable candidates in the presidential fray are making various claims and trading allegations. The irony of something that NPP presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake said at a campaign rally in Kurunegala, on Tuesday, may not have been lost on political observers and analysts. Making a crude caricature of SJB candidate Sajith Premadasa and castigating President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Dissanayake traced the genesis of the present economic crisis to reckless borrowing during the UNP-led UNF (Yahapalana) government from 2015 to 2019. Placing the total value of the loans obtained during that period at USD 13.5 billion, Dissanayake said that they had led to the current crisis; Wickremesinghe, who was boasting of having rid the country of queues for gas, automotive fuel, etc., had been trying to solve the problems the Yahapalana government had created. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had paid for what the UNP-led government did between 2015 and 2019, Dissanayake said, taking pity on Gotabaya.

If the UNP-led government (2015-2019) had not resorted to heavy borrowing from external sources, fuel shortages would not have arisen, Dissanayake stressed. In saying so, he opened a can of worms for the presidential candidates who claim to be frontrunners and the political parties/groups they represent.

The JVP was instrumental in paving the way for the election of Maithripala Sirisena as President and the formation of the UNP-led government in 2015. While that administration was on a borrowing spree, issuing as it did International Sovereign Bonds, the JVP was honeymooning with the UNP, and therefore there is no way the JVP/NPP can absolve itself of the responsibility for the disastrous outcome of heavy borrowing between 2015 and 2019, and the resultant aggravation of the country’s forex crisis. The JVP unwaveringly stood by the UNP-led government and went so far as to help Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe retain a parliamentary majority following an attempt by President Sirisena to dislodge that regime in October 2018.

Moreover, the JVP/NPP derived a turbo boost for its election campaign from Aragalaya, which came about mostly due to the country’s foreign reserve crisis. Is it that the JVP/NPP has gained mileage from a crisis it helped create, albeit unwittingly, by helping the Yahapalana government remain in power until 2019? Isn’t the JVP culpable on multiple counts for the people’s current predicament. This is the blowback of Dissanayake’s scathing attack on Wickremesinghe in Kurunegala.

Interestingly, all other prominent presidential candidates also cannot deny culpability for what has befallen the country during the Yahapalana government and the incumbent regime. Dilith Jayaweera has credited himself with the successful propaganda campaign that propelled Gotabaya to power in 2019. Sajith was a powerful minister in the Yahapalana government, which worsened the country’s debt crisis. Namal is one of the Rajapaksas, who mismanaged the economy, ran away, catapulted Wickremesinghe to the highest position in the country and provided him with a parliamentary majority. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe was in the Cabinets of both the Yahapalana administration and the current government.

All these candidates pretend to be on a mission to deliver the hapless Sri Lankans from their suffering, but Dissanayake has unintentionally thrown light on the sins of the self-proclaimed saviours.



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Election campaigning ends at midnight today (18)

The period allowed to camping for the 2024 Presidential Election ends at midnight today (18).

 

 

 

 



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Tuesday, September 17, 2024

AKD pledges to protect energy sovereignty; Adani’s wind power projects to be cancelled

by Lasanda Kurukulasuriya

National People’s Power presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), on Sirasa TV’s Satana programme on Saturday (14) elaborated on aspects of the party’s policy statements that have been the subject of some controversy. Grilled by a panel of four journalists, he revealed details of some of the JVP-led alliance’s policies, and appeared to have somewhat revised others. On the subject of India’s stranglehold on Sri Lanka’s Power and Energy sector through agreements already entered into by government, AKD categorically declared that the Adani group’s controversial wind power projects in the North would be cancelled (Anivaarayenma meka cancel karanawa). This is an interesting development, considering that just seven months ago, in an interview on their return from a visit to India, the party suggested that India should have first call on tenders for major projects. In that interview with Sirasa, the JVP leader once known for an anti-Indian stance argued in a surprising turnaround, that projects would have to be ‘within NPP’s national policy framework’ but “within that, we should go for an agreement with India.” (The Island 15.04.24 – Is the JVP signalling left and turning right?)

In past months the NPP appears to have finetuned its campaign promises on how it proposes to fix a rotten political culture, by balancing an element continuity in policy with changes that would address needs of people hard-hit by the economic crisis. Among the key takeaways from the promised reforms under his presidency if elected, were, to put an end to political appointments, banish political protection of criminals, and remove Value Added Tax (VAT) from food as well as education and health related items. On the IMF agreement, he said their policy was not to exit it, but go forward with discussions on other ways of achieving its targets. There was no point in reaching targets on inflation, increased revenue, ratio of debt to GDP, etc., if the social impact was such that people suffered for lack of basic needs, he argued.

Energy sovereignty

Responding to a journalist’s question on how he proposed to address the threat to energy sovereignty posed by deals entered into with India’s Adani group, the JVP/NPP leader went into some detail on the dubious nature of the agreement. Power generated by Adani’s (500MW) wind power plants in Mannar and Pooneryn would be sold to Sri Lanka for 8.2 US cents per unit (kilo watt hour), while a bid from a local producer for a much smaller 50MW wind power plant in the same vicinity, around the same time, had offered a rate of 4.2 US cents per unit. There is something wrong here and we will definitely cancel this agreement, he said. Going further, he referred to the incongruity of India’s suggestion that Sri Lanka would be able to sell any surplus power that is generated, to India. (This was suggested by Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval in talks with officials during his recent visit to Sri Lanka.) AKD claimed that India (while selling power to Sri Lanka at 8.2 US cents per unit) planned to buy any surplus of that same power, from Sri Lanka, at just 3.8 US cents per unit! Reference was also made to Bangladesh, whose new interim government is questioning the terms under which an Adani owned company in India is selling power to Bangladesh.

Dissanayake said that Indian companies would want an explanation from their government as to why Adani was given preference for the Mannar wind power project. However, he did not refer to Sri Lankan companies’ questioning of government on unsolicited proposals and bidding processes. This is at a time when local renewable energy producers are up in arms over step-motherly treatment. He said power generation could be opened up to the private sector, but that transmission and distribution should be controlled by the state. While the recently passed controversial Electricity (Amendment) Act was not specifically mentioned, it would seem that it would need to be repealed or amended under such a policy.

AKD also commented on the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm, in response to a question relating to ‘something signed by the President,’ on it. (‘Further development of the Oil Tank Farms’ was part of an MoU exchanged last year in India, by President Ranil Wickremesinghe with Indian PM Narendra Modi, on projects in the Trincomalee District.) Dissanayake said his party agreed with some of the conditions but rejected others.

The topic of the oil tanks was not brought up by India he said, but by him, in talks at the Indian High Commission in Colombo. A government under him would use between 8 to 16 tanks for fuel distribution in the North and East, and this would be a big saving when compared to the cost of transporting it from Colombo. The rest could be developed as a joint venture between Sri Lanka and India. He said it was ok to have an oil pipeline connecting Sri Lanka and India (one of the projects agreed on in the MoUs signed in Delhi). He referred to a new refinery to be handled by the Ceylon Petroleum Company (CPC) or a local company, noting that these were complex tasks. “Our location is good for a fuel hub” he said.

Asked about the Indo-Lanka Peace Agreement (of 1987), he said the joint development of the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm became a condition in it against a backdrop of Indian concerns over pro-US moves by the government at the time. Former President J. R. Jayewardene had allowed a Voice of America broadcasting station there, etc. The global balance of power is different now he said, and the US enters the picture having accepted India’s primacy in the region. Dissanayake said they were well aware of geopolitical developments and big power rivalry in the region.

Crime and politics

In relation to crime, a journalist referred to the raft of killings in broad daylight by gunmen using T56 rifles, witnessed in the streets ‘like a movie,’ not long ago. He noted that there was no IGP at present. Since the election was called, there have been no killings and no more talk of the underworld. Was it because politicians were busy with election work, he quipped. AKD in his response went on to list the names of notorious underworld characters, describing the power they wielded during the rule of presidents of the day, from JR to CBK to ‘the Rajapaksas.’ “Is this not political protection?” he asked. When narcotics are seized, the vehicles in which they are being transported are found to belong to politicians. Vowing to bust the nexus between politicians and organised crime, he said under his government no child will become a victim of drugs. We may be ‘small people’ but “we owe nothing, and fear nothing” (Api nayath ne, bayath ne)

No jumbo Cabinet

A JVP/NPP government’s Cabinet would be limited to 25 ministers, Dissanayake said. The number of deputy ministers would probably exceed that number, but there would be no ‘state ministers.’ The current ministers and state ministers enjoyed the same benefits, the only difference being that state ministers did not attend Cabinet meetings, he said. Asked about ‘Advisors to the President’ he said the maximum number of appointments would be 15.



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