Thursday, February 29, 2024

Non-Communicable Diseases surging in SL; health financing a huge issue

Gamani Corea Foundation’s 16th round table discussion

By Lynn Ockersz

Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) are surging in Sri Lanka currently. Coupled with this development is a rapidly rising ageing population in the country and connected problems, Dr. Palitha Abeykoon said, while addressing a range of local health issues and their consequences at the Gamani Corea Foundation’s (GCF) 16th round table discussion held at the BMICH on January 30th.

Dr. Abeykoon, who, among other positions, is the chairman of the National Authority on Tobacco and Alcohol, pointed to the following principal problems, besides other pressing matters in the local health sector, in an issues paper he presented at the GCF forum: ‘Equity and access issues have come to the fore against a backdrop of severe resource constraints. Patients are driven to pay out of pocket to meet their health needs in the public health sector. Such expenses are estimated at 50 percent per patient. While NCDs are very much to the fore, “mobility and mortality” afflict a considerable proportion of the aged. A fast-ageing population compounds these issues. Besides, the potential for more pandemics is very much present.

‘The number of elders in the local population is escalating. Consequently, NCDs will be on the rise and we will see a proliferation of mental health problems and other disabilities linked to ageing, going forward. The current severe socio-economic crisis makes health financing a huge challenge.

‘There is a crop of external factors that compounds our health sector issues. Some of these are: the global climate crisis, asymmetries in economic performance among countries at the regional and global level, conflicts in the Middle East and Europe and tensions in the Indian Ocean.

‘Sri Lanka’s National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) is one of the strongest in the region but it is bedeviled by a lack of good governance.’

Dr. Anil Jasinghe, Secretary, Minstry of Environment, who moderated the forum said at this juncture that, ‘Bad governance is the main culprit. Non-adherance to the basics of good governance is rampant locally. Even among some technocrats and bureaucrats anarchy prevails. The principle of equity is violated in some top bodies.’

Emeritus Professor of Medicine and Consultant Physician Dr. Saroj Jayasinghe, presenting an issues paper, made the following points among a range of other matters: ‘For the past 50 years we have been saying the same thing in relation to Sri Lanka’s health questions and reforms, and that is indeed the issue.

‘With regard to efficiency in health administration and participatory decision-making, we have been paying only lip service in Sri Lanka. A blueprint to revive the health sector in the long term is needed. However, the proposal for a National Health Commssion is a step in the right direction. Empowering the public is also of vital significance.

‘We need to focus, among other matters, on tertiary care, structural reforms, health technology assessments and the strengthening of links between health sector reform and social reform.

‘Service innovations in the areas of primary health care, clinic/ hospital visits, screening and the hospital work force are important. ‘We need MOH type institutions for NCDs as well. Mobilizing resources is important but we need to remember that the private sector in healthcare will collapse in the absence of state sector personnel. However, the public sector could exist independently, while the private sector cannot do so.’

Following Prof. Jayasinghe’s presentation, a lively discussion followed on the issues raised with audience and panel participation. Winding-up proceedings GCF Chairman Dr. Lloyd Fernando said that the Foundation would be taking up the matters that were discussed with the government in the days to come. He stressed on the need for national planning in the health sphere and undercored the importance of a holistic approach in this undertaking.



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Wednesday, February 28, 2024

Semasinghe: 52 loss-making SOEs turned around in 2023

The government has transformed 52 loss-making state-owned enterprises (SOEs) into profit-making ventures in 2023, State Minister for Finance Shehan Semasinghe said on Tuesday.

Those SOEs had lost around Rs 743 billion (about 2.4 billion U.S. dollars) in 2022, he said.

The State Minister said the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and the Ceylon Electricity Board, two of the most loss-making SOEs in the past, were now earning profits due to the cost-reflective pricing mechanism and economic reforms.

The minister said previous governments had provided essential services at a subsidised price to provide relief to the people, but on a long-term basis, that policy had led to the economic crisis. At present, the government is focusing on providing targeted welfare for the poor instead of providing across-the-board subsidies. (SI)



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‘Aswesuma’ welfare benefits for 2.4 million more from June 2024 – Shehan Semasinghe

State Minister for Finance Shehan Semasinghe, announced that all necessary arrangements have been made to extend benefits to another  2.4 million family units under  the second phase of the “Aswasuma” program starting from June 2024.

He reiterated  that applications for the second phase will close on 15th March 2024 and individuals failing to submit their applications by the given deadline will forfeit eligibility for benefits associated with the program.

State Minister Semasinghe made theses announcements when he participated  in a press briefing at the Presidential Media Centre on Wednesday  (28), themed ‘Collective Path to a Stable Country’.

 



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President highlights Sri Lanka’s Indian Ocean security commitment at Pathfinder conference

In his address at the Pathfinder Indian Ocean Security Conference phase III held at Cinnamon Grand Colombo on Wednesday (28), President Ranil Wickremesinghe emphasized Sri Lanka’s dedication to maintaining a strategic position aimed at ensuring the absence of major power rivalries and upholding freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean. The President highlighted that Sri Lanka’s commitment to freedom of navigation has prompted the country to engage in operations as guardians of prosperity in the Red Sea. He underscored the significance of the Suez Canal, particularly evident during the Six-Day War when its closure for ten years negatively impacted the Colombo port, emphasizing the necessity of ensuring unrestricted navigation.

President Ranil Wickremesinghe also highlighted emerging issues, including security concerns in the undersea domain, prompting a reassessment of approaches. He expressed the belief that the future lies in the Indian Ocean, stressing the importance of understanding Sri Lanka’s role within the broader Indo-Pacific framework. The President noted that the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, originating from post-World War II arrangements such as the San Francisco system and the Shanghai communiqué, have evolved, leading to questions about the country’s positioning and potential involvement in regional conflicts.

 



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Tuesday, February 27, 2024

National elections: Ex-military factor

By Shamindra Ferdinando

With the presidential election scheduled for later this year, political parties represented in Parliament have stepped up efforts to forge alliances.

In terms of the Constitution, presidential elections will have to be conducted between Sept 18 and Oct 18, 2024. The last presidential election was held in Nov 2019.

Even though the presidential election is scheduled for this year, the possibility of President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is also the UNP leader, advancing the parliamentary poll, cannot be ruled out. The last parliamentary poll was held in Aug 2020. Both presidential and parliamentary terms are for five years each.

Whatever the national election that will be held first, under Wickemesinghe’s watch, one of the key factors is the role the armed forces and their families might play in exercising their universal franchise in the current charged up atmosphere of some retired military types calling for a “pivotal change” in the country, from JVP/JJB stages, for the first time. But it was not so long ago the same JVP, in battling the newly elected President Premadasa, made the fatal mistake of giving an ultimatum, in early 1989, to the fighting men, to choose between them and what the latter stood for and we all know what the outcome was with unprecedented brutal violence resorted to by both sides. The then entire JVP leadership was wiped out by the end of that year, barring its politburo member Somawansa Amerasinghe, who managed to flee to India in the nick of time. He later returned to lead the revived party during President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s tenure. Until its young Turks ousted him and he then went the way of all living beings, as age caught up with him, having been a member of the old guard.

The old knight in shining armour, the late Ranjan Wijeratne, who spared no effort to wipe out the JVP second uprising, himself was blown to bits, allegedly by a Tiger suicide bomber, in early 1991, as he was being driven to work through a busy Colombo thoroughfare near Police Park, but the way his body disintegrated in the blast we wonder whether the bomb that killed him was inside the vehicle he was travelling in.

The main Opposition party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), seems to have been deeply troubled by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) enticing retired military personnel of all ranks.

Unexpected development

In fact, the JVP had never received such support from the ex-military since it re-entered the political mainstream during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. The growing relationship between the JVP/JJB and the ex-military appeared to have somewhat unsettled not only the SJB but the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) as well.

One of the post-war Army Chiefs, General Daya Ratnayake (2013-2015) switching allegiance to the SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa recently caused significant controversy. Ratnayake, once falsely accused of helping Mahinda Rajapaksa to regain power, following his defeat at 2015 the presidential poll, served the Rajapaksa administrations faithfully.

Why did Daya Ratnayake leave the Rajapakas? Perhaps, his unceremonious removal as Chairman, Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), in late June 2021, influenced the recent move. Ratnayake responded quite bitterly when the writer sought his response regarding the unexpected development at the SLPA (SLPP imbroglio: Daya quite surprised by sudden removal, The Island, June 26, 2021).

But, Gen. Ratnayake, who held the top command post in the Eastern theatre, during a vital period in the Eelam War IV, made his move as he felt the SJB leader held the upper hand at the forthcoming presidential contest or parliamentary polls.

Gen. Ratnayake hasn’t been hesitant to declare his intention to contest the next parliamentary poll on the SJB ticket. When Dilan Mayadunne, of Hiru Hard Talk, raised the issue, the outspoken officer, without batting an eyelid, declared his intent to seek a parliamentary political career.

Former Navy Commander Admiral Daya Sandagiri (2001-2005), who also served as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and retired Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Sathyapriya Liyanage followed Gen. Ratnayake to the SJB. What the retired officers could offer to the SJB should be examined taking into consideration that some ex-military personnel had already extended open support to the JVP/JJB over the past one year, though not so much from the retired military top brass that the SJB has managed to attract in recent days. It would be pertinent to mention that Admiral Sandagiri, too, received appointments, courtesy of previous administrations. Sandagiri had been the Chairman of Lanka Phosphate, during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term, whereas President Maithripala appointed him Vice Chancellor of the Kotelawela Defence University (KDU).

Quite a number of senior officers, both serving and retired at different levels, are flabbergasted over some ex-military men throwing their weight behind the JVP that mounted two abortive insurgencies in April 1971 and 1987-1990. Retired Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha’s declaration of support to the JVP/JJB sent shock waves through the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government last year.

The government, in a bid to discourage other ex-military personnel blacklisted Thuyacontha, wartime Commanding Officer of the Mi-24 helicopter gunship squadron. A furious Thuyacontha moved the Supreme Court. At the end Thuyacontha and the JVP/JJB scored a massive victory when the SC instructed Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, and the respondent parties, to forthwith grant the retirement privileges the retired officer had been deprived of. The SC Bench consisted of Justices Yasantha Kodagoda and Arjuna Obeysekera.

Fonseka’s angry reaction

to Gen. Ratnayake

A simmering disagreement between SJB leader Premadasa and party Chairman Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, MP, exploded over Gen. Daya Ratnayake’s move.

Gampaha district MP Fonseka cannot be faulted for angrily reacting to the political deal between Gen. Ratnayake and the SJB. The issue at hand is Fonseka, who failed at the 2010 presidential poll at the height of his popularity, wants to contest the next presidential contest.

The war-winning Army Chief is confident that he stands a much better chance than the SJB leader against incumbent President Wickremesinghe. War-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, however, defeated Fonseka by over 1.8 mn votes, whereas Premadasa lost badly to Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the last presidential poll, in 2019.

But, Premadasa has declared his candidature and is pursuing an agenda of his own. Fonseka is of the view that Ratnayake shouldn’t have been accepted under any circumstances as he was one of key acolytes of the Rajapaksas. Fearing the party would sack him, Fonseka recently successfully moved the District Court of Colombo against him being expelled, consequent to his criticism of Gen. Ratnayake’s acceptance into the SJB.

Fonseka has declared that if the SJB is comfortable with Gen. Ratnayake, it can reach consensus with ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and former Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal. Whatever the outcome of the Field Marshal seeking legal redress, the Sinha Regiment veteran has no future with the SJB. The Field Marshal has obviously burnt his bridges. Therefore, he cannot continue with the SJB, under any circumstances. On the other hand, the SJB expects to attract more retired officers and men not only from the military but the police as well. The top SJB leadership is confident that the party can move ahead without Fonseka, who is unlikely to receive any support from the SJB MPs.

The Field Marshal, once renowned for battlefield strategies, seemed to be struggling to cope with the growing isolation experienced within the SJB. What lawmaker Fonseka hoped to secure by meeting President Ranil Wickremesinghe after the UNP leader delivered the opening statement at the reconvened Parliament, in Feb this year, is not clear. But, such dealings with the President wouldn’t help Fonseka’s cause as obviously the UNP leader cannot address the former Army chief’s grievances. Fonseka’s decision to ignore the SJB leader’s directive to his parliamentary group to boycott Wickremesinghe’s speech didn’t do any good to the war veteran. Although Dr. Rajitha Senaratne had been among those SJB MPs who remained in the Chamber when the President delivered his speech, the former Health Minister seems not involved with Fonseka’s strategy at all. Fonseka seems all alone, with absolutely no support coming from the SJB parliamentary group, divided over many issues.

Unless of course Wickremesinghe chickens out once again realising his lack of mass appeal and lack of big economic progress that everyone had hoped for with the help of his supposed powerful backers in the West, when he assumed presidency in the most unusual circumstances, in 2022, with the country in utter chaos, and decides to put forth Fonseka or someone else as the UNP Presidential hopeful as happened twice previously (Fonseka in 2010 and Sirisena in 2015).

As nominations for presidential polls approaches, the SJB expected more ex-military officers and men to pledge their allegiance to the party. But, the JVP/JJB appeared to be successful in their high profile campaign to attract the support among a wider section of the retired military community.

During the high profile public protest campaign (March 29, 2022-July 14, 2022) that ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Field Marshal Fonseka was the only lawmaker allowed to address the crowds. In fact, Fonseka addressed protesters just a few hours before they seized Janadhipathi Mandiraya on July 09, 2022. In late July, Fonseka declared in Parliament that the Aragalaya would be brought to a successful conclusion on the 9th of August 2022. Urging the people to gather in Colombo on that day, the Field Marshal asked the police and military not to obstruct the public. Unfortunately for Fonseka, his move didn’t receive the expected public support at all. By then, Wickremesinghe, having chased out those who had been occupying the Presidential Secretariat, was rapidly consolidating his position. The President quite amazingly won the admiration of the armed forces and police and his readiness to publicly dismiss US Ambassador Julie Chung’s intervention didn’t do any harm.

SLPP’s dilemma

The SLPP is in a deepening dilemma over rapid loss of support from the military and ex-military. Gen. Ratnayake’s switching allegiance to the SJB reflected the crisis developing within the party.

Former Navy Chief of Staff and retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera is the most prominent military man among the SLPP parliamentary group. But, the Navy veteran is in a tight spot having had to stand by President Wickremesinghe in Parliament as the party ponders over its next move. Can Weerasekera back Wickremesinghe at the next presidential poll knowing very well that it was the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe Yahapalana administration that betrayed the war winning military at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)?

The SLPP is in such a desperate situation, the once formidable party is unlikely to attract any new retired military personnel. The ruling party is aware that the ex-military is largely divided between the JVP/JJB and the SJB with the former being the major beneficiary.

There is no doubt that the SLPP is also worried about President Wickremesinghe’s strategy vis-à-vis retired military men. People have forgotten that one of the major accusations directed at the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had been that he favoured the ex-military. The retired Lieutenant Colonel and former Commanding Officer of the celebrated first battalion of the Gajaba Regiment was flayed for accommodating ex-military in top government jobs.

Many believed the UNP leader would change Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s system. The President proved that he didn’t intend to do so. Three retired service chiefs Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Air Marshal Sudarshana Pathirana and Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne received appointment as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Islamabad, Kathmandu and Havana, respectively.

Air Marshal Pathirana, who had been a successful jet pilot and the Commander of the Air Force, and Admiral Ulugetenne, the Commander of the Navy at the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa faced the public protest campaign, whereas Admiral Wijegunaratne served as Chairman of the CPC during Wickremesinghe’s tenure. In addition, he functioned as the Chairman of Trinco Petroleum Terminal (Pvt) Ltd. (TPTL), Lanka Indian Oil Company’s (LIOC) joint venture with the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) for the development of 61 tanks in the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm in China Bay.

Defence Secretary Gen. Kamal Gunaratne and Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Shavendra Silva remain in their posts. One of the few Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointees who had to leave the position (Chairman, Airport and Aviation) was Maj. Gen. G.A. Chandrasiri, one-time Governor of the Northern Province and a key Viyathgama activist.

Impact of Geneva allegations

on national polls

The war crimes issue is very much unlikely to receive attention of the electorate at the next national level elections. Having failed to counter Geneva allegations during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency (Nov 2019-July 2022), the party shouldn’t waste time trying to deceive the electorate that it would save the military from unsubstantiated war crimes accusations.

Instead of systematically addressing issues, possibly let down by the relevant government machinery as happened during much of the war, the Rajapaksa administration ended up pulling wool over the eyes of the public by declaring it withdrew from the Geneva process. The declaration was made by the then Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, in early 2020, and, since then, Geneva has tightened its grip on Sri Lanka.

Contrary to various bombastic declarations made by the SLPP, war crimes allegations hadn’t been addressed at all. Instead, President Wickremesinghe has taken advantage of his return to power by taking tangible measures to establish an independent commission for truth, unity and reconciliation. Preparatory work is underway in this regard. The proposed parliamentary Act will be primarily based on the findings/recommendations of the Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms, established during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019).

However, the issue is very much unlikely to attract public attention or be a major topic in political platforms for obvious reasons.

The ex-military can pressure political parties to address Geneva allegations as the country faced the threat of continuing external interventions until the government of the day set the record straight. Unfortunately, none of the senior retired military personnel are likely to speak on behalf of the war-winning military.

Nationalistic factor

Of the retired military personnel, General Jagath Dias is perhaps the senior most officer who had thrown his weight behind the nationalistic cause. The Gajaba Regiment veteran has declared his opposition to the Provincial Councils system, based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, and, in fact, questioned the draft Constitution put out by a nine-member committee, headed by Romesh de Silva, PC.

Gen. Dias, the Commanding Officer of the 57 Division that had been tasked to regain Kilinochchi during the Eelam War IV, had been also critical of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s performance as the President.

It would be interesting to see whether the nationalistic group can attract the ex-military in significant numbers. Such a scenario is implausible in the absence of pre-polls consensus between nationalistic groups and any political party.

Against the backdrop of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament, the SLPP is not in a position to exploit the armed forces’ triumph over separatist Tamil terrorism, 15 years ago.

Gen. Dias captured media attention last year not only for taking a public stand against the 13th Amendment that had been forced on Sri Lanka by New Delhi but moving court against President Wickremesinghe’s much disputed decision to release state land, around the historical Kurundi temple, in the former LTTE bastion, the Mullaitivu District.

The former Army Chief of Staff Dias and two other retired officers, Brigadier Athula Hemachandra de Silva and Lt. Col. Anil Sumeda Amarasekera petitioned the Court of Appeal in this regard. The petitioners sought to prevent the government from removing the boundary stones already planted by the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province.

The ex-military, under any circumstances, cannot forget how the SJB MPs behaved when they represented the UNP during Eelam War IV. The UNP ridiculed the war effort. UNPers repeatedly questioned the capability and capacity of the armed forces to eradicate the LTTE. The main Opposition party at that time believed in the LTTE prowess. The moment the UNP regained power, following the 2015 presidential poll, it betrayed the country’s armed forces at the UNHRC in the most shameful manner. The UNP’s partner in crime, the SLFP, allowed the UNP to go ahead with its despicable project. That is the ugly truth the ex-military shouldn’t forget.

Actually, none of the post-war governments made a genuine effort to counter war crimes propaganda thereby facilitating external interventions. All administrations, including the war-winning government cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for failing to set the record straight.



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Former Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel passes away

Former Finance Minister  Ronnie de Mel has passed away this evening (27) at the age of 98.



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Monday, February 26, 2024

Month-end profit-takings impose heavy selling pressure on bourse

By Hiram H. Senewiratne

The stock market began trading on a positive note yesterday but by the middle of the session it noted heavy selling pressure due to month- end profit takings.

During the session, Nawaloka shares were suspended for trading due to heavy borrowings from HNB, market analysts said.

Amid those developments, both indices moved downwards. The All- Share Price Index went down by 43 points and S and P SL20 declined by 6.3 points. Turnover stood at Rs 1.66 billion with five crossings. Those crossings were reported in Melstacope, which crossed 5 .1 million shares to the tune of Rs 457 million and its shares traded at Rs 90, JKH 460,000 shares crossed for Rs 87.6 million and its shares traded at Rs 192 , Hayleys, 1 million shares crossed for Rs 77 million; its shares traded at Rs 77, Expolanka Holdings 364,000 shares crossed for Rs 49.8 million and its shares sold at Rs 136.75 and CIC (non- voting) 1.2 million shares crossed for Rs 48.8 million; its shares traded at Rs 41.

In the retail market, top seven companies that contributed to the turnover were; Expolanka Holdings Rs 342 million (2.3 million shares traded), Lanka Milk Food Rs 68 million (2.8 million shares traded), Dialog Rs 48 million (4.6 million), JKH Rs 34.5 million (180,000 shares traded), HNB Rs 25 million (159,000 shares traded), Sampath Bank Rs 23.7 million (324,000 shares traded) and Hayleys Fabrics Rs 21.7 million (533,000 shares traded). During the day 43.5 million share volumes changed hands in 9679 transactions.

Yesterday, the US dollar buying rate was Rs 306.08 and selling rate Rs 315.85.



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Deloitte South Asia’s Consulting leadership discuss blueprint for business transformation and growth

The Deloitte Consulting leadership in South Asia convened in Sri Lanka, marking a significant move to drive growth in the South Asian region. A resolute commitment was made to scale collaboration, nurture talent, and embrace sustainability while shaping the future trajectory of the region’s business landscape.

“As we strive for unprecedented growth in the South Asia region, Deloitte stands united in its commitment to scale this path of development. Together, we envision a future defined by innovation, technology, inclusiveness, and sustainability, where our unwavering collaboration paves the way for lasting success,” said, Sathish Gopalaiah, President, Consulting, Deloitte South Asia.

Highlighting Sri Lanka’s role in Deloitte South Asia’s growth journey, Nishan Mendis, Consulting Leader for Deloitte Sri Lanka and Maldives stated, “The over fifty-member delegation, committed to invest in Sri Lanka, its vision for driving meaningful change, and build on the confidence in the country’s young talent and massive growth potential.”

The meeting emphasised the importance of close collaboration with businesses across industries to envision and implement transformative models. With the rapid advancements in artificial intelligence (AI) and the emergence of Generative AI, businesses need to adapt their strategies to embrace innovation and drive sustainable growth in an ever-evolving landscape. Sathish Gopalaiah stated, “Our focus on AI and Gen AI demonstrates our commitment to helping clients navigate the complexities of the digital age. By partnering with clients to develop business models that stand the test of time, we aim to position them for success in an increasingly competitive marketplace.”

Moreover, the executives stressed on the transformative role of human capital in driving organizational success. Breaking from convention, Human Resources (HR) was recognised as a strategic enabler capable of fostering growth and propelling organizations to new heights in the region. In line with their commitment to innovation, the executives delved into prospective business models that leverage digital transformation to enhance efficiency and sustainability. By embracing Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) principles, businesses can synchronize their operations with sustainable practices, simultaneously generating value for both shareholders and stakeholders.

“We stand at a crucial juncture in the evolution of the South Asia market,” remarked Sathish Gopalaiah, President, Deloitte South Asia. “By scaling our collaborative efforts and investing in talent development, we can unlock exceptional opportunities for growth and innovation, driving the region to new heights of prosperity.”



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Exciting scene for Mirage …Down Under

It certainly was a great start for the group Mirage who opened their tour of Australia, in Melbourne, at the Valentine’s Day dinner dance, at the Grand on Princes.

Says Trevine Rodrigo, who checked out the scene:

Donald Pieries, Benjy Ranabahu, Manilal Perera, and the new faces in the line-up, were a treat to watch as they reeled off a wide repertoire of music that had dance goers in awe at their versatility.

Their vast experience in the music industry, over several decades, was very evident as they blended with the new additions to give off a polished performance.

Manilal and Benjy

With Melbourne’s leading band Replay 6, and Esric Jackson, and the irrepressible Noeline Honter in the mix, it was a musical cocktail that appeased everyone’s taste in music as several other musicians present readily admitted.

Replay 6 were in a class of their own with their blend of youth and experience adding a refreshing dimension to their song choice.

Noeline Honter blew everyone away with her explosive vocal that has lost little from her glory days over the decades.

“It was a super night. Very memorable,” said Noeline.

Noeline Honter…doing it at the Valentine’s
Day dinner dance, at the Grand on Princes

Benjy Ranabahu described the night as one that had nervous apprehension about Melbourne’s dance crowd and how they would respond after the long lapse.

He said: “We settled in well into our work, and then enjoyed the interaction with a terrific crowd that seemed to love what we delivered.”

Mirage leader Donald Pieries was rapt at the response the band received and seemed fairly confident in the band returning to Australia for more gigs of this nature.

The band is listed for two more performances…at the Walawwa, on March 1, and then at a Chris Cannon organised luncheon in Bentleigh, supported by Thai Street Food, a popular eating spot in the Bentleigh area.



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Catamaran hijack victims likely 'thrown into Caribbean sea' by escaped prisoners



Alarm bells were sounded when the vessel was found abandoned in St. Vincent and the Grenadines a few days after they set off for dinner.

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Sunday, February 25, 2024

Pro-Ranil SLPP group flays NPP, SJB for not presenting any action plan

Susil claims 50 lawmakers expected to attend their next meeting

The ‘New Alliance’ (NA), comprising dissident SLPP MPs, on Saturday (24) stepped up attacks on the JVP-led NPP and the SJB, alleging that they didn’t propose any tangible action plan to facilitate economic recovery.

The NA alleged that the JJB sought to deceive the public again on its much touted anti-corruption campaign whereas the SJB reiterated all sorts of promises though the country lacked the wherewithal to implement them.

The NA held its second public meeting at Hyde Park with the participation of two Cabinet ministers, Nalin Fernando and Education Minister Susil Premjayantha, who is also the Leader of the House. Other speakers included Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Nimal Lanza, who initiated the group that openly advocated pro-Wickremesinghe stand soon after the SLPP disintegrated.

Pointing out that the JVP repeatedly declared those who robbed the country would be hauled up before courts in the run-up to the 2015 presidential poll, MP Lanza said that the economy was in such a precarious situation that promises couldn’t be made. The Gampaha district MP said that the current crisis couldn’t be overcome by printing money and taking more loans.

MP Lanza challenged the JJB and SJB to present their economic action plans without depending on political rhetoric meant to manipulate the masses. The MP claimed that by March this year, the New Alliance would have the support of a significant number of MPs, as well as large groups of supporters. Declaring their intention to hold a major public rally in May this year, MP Lanza said that the Hyde Park meeting would be followed by rallies in Hambantota, Badulla and Monaragala.

The NA campaign began with a public meeting held at Ja-Ela last month.

Lanza flayed the JVP over its recent visit to India. The SLPP dissident asked how the JVP justified its change of attitude towards India after having followed an extremely anti-India stand over the past several decades.

Declaring that the JVP posed no threat to them politically, MP Lanza claimed that Messrs Sajith Premadasa, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Namal Rajapaksa are fighting for the Opposition Leader’s post.

Minister Premjayantha declared that their next public meeting would attract as many as 50 sitting MPs. Minister Premjayantha as well as MP Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Sugeeswara Bandara, former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fiercely attacked the JVP reccalling the violence the during 1971 and 1987-1990 insurgencies. (SF)

MP Lanza addressing the Hyde Park rally



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'US Air Force member' sets himself on fire outside Israeli embassy in Washington DC



Footage from the scene shows emergency service personnel treating the man, who has now been taken to hospital with life-threatening injuries.

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Saturday, February 24, 2024

What’s in a Suit? That which is substantive can be delivered in a Bush Shirt!

by Rajan Philips

Never mind what Anura Kumara Dissanayake wore in Delhi. Never mind what Ranil Wickremesinghe wears daily. What the people want is not the word salads of sartorial politics by Sunday pundits, but the proffering of substantive politics by contenders for political office. As the pre-election dust takes its own time to settle, two figures are emerging as the primary contenders.

On the right, where he has always been, is Ranil Wickremesinghe. On the left, where he seems inspired to be, is Anura Kumara Dissanayake. If there was any chance of someone racing up the middle, that chance and the politics of that candidate are fast withering. The political house of Sajith Premadasa is a house divided according to insiders and outsiders. Mr. Premadasa will have to put his own house in order before he can be a serious contender for public office.

The impending contest between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake will be a very different one when compared to past presidential elections. First to be noted is the organizational disarray of the mainstream political parties and their electorally opportunistic alliances. The disarray is obvious and needs no elaboration.

It also explains why President Wickremesinghe, the nearly 50-year veteran of a 77 year old party, is still looking for a political launcher for his presidential candidacy. Officially, he will be a UNP candidate with the elephant symbol, but he is looking to be acclaimed as the candidate of a grand alliance. Media columnists are writing about such an alliance, but there are no signs yet of any alliance, let alone a grand one.

The support for President Wickremesinghe is mainly based on his successful stabilization of the economy from where his predecessor left and ran away. Those who are genuinely and perhaps exclusively concerned about the economy do think that Ranil Wickremesinghe should be elected as President to continue managing the economy. But this premise has at least two limitations.

A tentative candidate

One, while it is fair to give Mr. Wickremesinghe credit for what he has done, it would be a stretch to claim that what he has done is something miraculous and that he should contest and be elected President for a new term to continue performing economic miracles. The economy cannot be restored by magic or miracles, and no one should lose sight of the fact that the current stability is primarily due to the moratorium on debt payment. What happens when debt repayment is restarted?

The second limitation to the Wickremesinghe candidacy is that the support for Mr. Wickremesinghe is neither broad nor deep. Otherwise, he should be the one who is topping opinion polls and creating the buzz that Ranil is the man to beat. Mr. Wickremesinghe himself is quite coy about his candidacy. Either he is keeping everyone guessing, or he is guessing himself.

It may be that the President is looking for a broad appeal imploring him to contest the presidential election to keep saving the economy. Similar to the circumstance in which he acceded to the desperate request of Gotabaya Rajapaksa for a helping hand. But there is nothing like that happening now. No appeal by any credible alliance for Ranil to be a candidate. The whole tentativeness of the situation is a symptom of the disarray of the political establishment.

That brings me to the second unique aspect of the upcoming presidential election. That is the emergence of the JVP/NPP as real contender for winning power democratically, and whose unity of purpose and organizational discipline stand in stirring contrast to the opportunism and disarray of the mainstream parties. The JVP’s emergence as a viable contender is as much due to its own maturity as it is due to resonating objective conditions.

The aragalaya that drove Gota away may have turned the tide for the JVP. But it goes beyond that, and it shows the people’s real hunger for an alternative political leadership. And it shows that the people are not warming up to Ranil Wickremesinghe in spite of all the learned views about his capabilities as an economic manager.

AKD’s leadership

The consolidation of the JVP and the emergence of the NPP as its electoral front also owe a great deal to the seemingly collegial leadership of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. He is unique in Sri Lankan politics as the one political leader who has filtered up through the social layers among the Sinhalese without being part of a mainstream political party – the UNP, the SLFP, and later the SLPP. The devolution of political leadership in Sri Lanka – i.e., the transitioning of political leadership from the decadent upper strata of society to the emerging generations – could be a study in itself.

The fact of the matter is that such a transitioning has not been as common in Sri Lanka as it has been in India. There is a long trace of leadership transitioning in India – from the rise of K. Kamaraj as Chief Minister of Madras State (now Tamil Nadu) in 1954, to the ascent of Narendra Modi first as Chief Minister of Gujarat and now the soon to be ‘threepeat’ Prime Minister of India. There is nothing common about their politics, but they represent the shifting of leadership from the upper echelons to the lower strata of India’s hugely stratified society. The example of President Premadasa could be cited as an exception, but it was an exception that could not become a trend.

The JVP and the LTTE interventions could be seen as violent and misplaced efforts to force a transitioning of leadership. Both efforts ended in failure, but the reality now is that even the traditional leadership formations have now imploded. There was a much touted recent transitioning in Tamil political leadership, but that seems to have got mired in legal battles in district courts.

The saving grace here is in the recourse to court battles instead of gun battles. There have been shifts in leadership among the Muslims and estate Tamils, but even the new organizations representing the two communities have become mere appendages to mainstream alliances. They too are suffering from the organizational disarray of their mainstream principals.

In this scheme of unfolding disarray, it is fair to acknowledge the leadership and organizational achievements of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the JVP and the NPP. This is not to say that they are going to win the upcoming elections and that they are going to provide a pathbreaking new government for Sri Lanka. Those proofs will come in whatever puddings they make.

For now, as a point of political observation, what AKD has done so far needs to be acknowledged. India seems to have done that, and it is irrelevant to the current argument why India may have chosen to do that. More to the point, there has been no Indian invitation yet, not even a hint of it, to the newly elected leader of the ITAK.

The gripe over AKD’s Indian visit is really a symptom of the uneasiness in political circles that are unable to come to grips with the disarray among the mainstream political parties and their alliances. Not to mention that for a host of good and bad reasons, the arrival of the JVP/NPP as a palpable parliamentary force is not palatable to many in the commentating business. It is again a symptom of the mainstream disarray that criticisms of JVP/NPP are emanating almost exclusively outside of parliament and from outside formal political organizations. Conversely, it is this vacuum that the JVP/NPP is filling up much to the irritation of its socio-genital opponents.

Their politics and ours

The task for Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the JVP/NPP is to respond to the sartorial politics of their critics with substantive politics of their own. “Their Politics and Ours,” the title of an old pamphlet that Dr. Colvin R de Silva wrote in the early 1950s, takes a different meaning in the new context in which the JVP/NPP is emerging as a real parliamentary contender.

Dr Colvin was intervening in the perennial debates within the left movement in the heady days of the Old Left. That was then. Now, Anura Kumara Dissanayake does not have to get into polemic battles with anyone on the Left. He is in fact the only one on the Left, electorally speaking. He has to differentiate his politics from that of his media critics.

There is another difference between the heady days of the Old Left and Sri Lanka’s desperate times after the Rajapaksa yugaya. The challenge today is not to advance the cause of socialism but to salvage the economy from the pits that it has fallen into. Sri Lanka’s economic irony cannot be any stalker, in that Sri Lanka and Pakistan are two economic laggards in South Asia that is now seen as the principal growth region for an unevenly sputtering world economy.

India is virtually the sole economic engine of the South Asian region, and the challenge facing Sri Lanka is to get in stride with ongoing regional growth instead of lagging behind it.

The challenge facing JVP/NPP is to generate confidence about its abilities for managing the economy the same way it is demonstrating its abilities for political mobilization. As a political organization it does not have to rely on its leaders to read economic textbooks the way Che Guvera read them after the Cuban revolution.

There are enough economists and economic thinktanks in Sri Lanka and the JVP/NPP should not feel shy about tapping them for ideas and as resources. There should be reaching out to professional resources in a very public way to enhance public confidence at the national level, the same way retired military and police officers are reportedly being enlisted at the electoral district levels.

Besides the economy, the JVP/NPP leadership will have to deal with the question of constitutional reform and clarify its position on what could still be called the island’s national question. On the question of abolishing the executive presidency, Mr. Dissanayake has provided a convincing response: there is no time to do it before the presidential election.

President Wickremesinghe has said the same thing, but the difference between the two is that while Mr. Dissanayake is committed to abolishing the presidency, Mr. Wickremesinghe is not. That is a big difference, and one on which Mr. Dissanayake could and should publicly challenge the interim President.

 



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Vitamin E for skin hydration

Antioxidant that protects and hydrates skin, leaving it refreshed and plumped is Vitamin E While Vitamin E is a vital antioxidant with many benefits, our bodies cannot produce it naturally. Therefore, it is important to supplement our lifestyle and skincare with Vitamin E rich products to protect and nourish our skin. The Body Shop’s Vitamin E range has been a symbol of excellence since the 1970s. The Vitamin E range suits all skin types, leaving skin feeling hydrated, healthy and happy. The range’s crowing star is its moisturizing cream which delivers a +38% boost in skin hydration for eight hours.

The Body Shop Sri Lanka launches its iconic Vitamin E range at an event at The Body Shop store in Bagatalle Road, Colombo.

The Body Shop’s Vitamin E infused range now available in Sri Lanka includes a day cream, night vream, cleanser, facial wash, sleeping mask and serum.

Vitamin E is a powerful antioxidant that protects and hydrates skin, leaving it refreshed and plumped.

While Vitamin E is a vital antioxidant with many benefits, our bodies cannot produce it naturally. Therefore, it is important to supplement our lifestyle and skincare with Vitamin E rich products to protect and nourish our skin. Vitamin E range, It has been a symbol of excellence since the 1970s. and suits all skin types, leaving skin feeling hydrated, healthy and happy. The range’s crowing star is its moisturizing cream which delivers a +38% boost in skin hydration for eight hours.

“Sri Lanka is a very important market for The Body Shop. Over the years, we have learnt from the country’s resilience and the ability to bounce back with growth trajectory. As a change making beauty brand, we are committed to empower customers, employees and partners to drive positive change for the world though our channels, our products and our activism. We are thankful for all the support and remain on track to provide responsible beauty products in the market.” said Vishal Chaturvedi, Vice President – Retail & Operations, The Body Shop South Asia speaking at the event.

The Vitamin E range’s ingredients are a key highlight. The range adeptly harnesses the power of Vitamin E to soak deep into skin and preserve natural fats, while replenishing the outer layer of skin and helping minimise moisture loss and skin dehydration. The Body Shop’s Vitamin E range is also replete with natural-origin hyaluronic acid from wheat and corn, which increases skin elasticity by keeping it plump and hydrated.

The range, which is vegan-friendly, is also enriched with Raspberry Seed Oil from up-cycled cold-pressed raspberries, known to be rich in Vitamin E. True to The Body Shop’s ethos of sustainability, ethical production and helping the planet, the product range sources Raspberry Seed Oil Its packaging includes recyclable packaging made from recycled materials.



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Friday, February 23, 2024

US military tracking unidentified high-altitude balloon one year after Chinese spy balloon



US officials say the balloon is not a threat. Its provenance and purpose, however, remain unknown.

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Funeral home owner vanishes after keeping woman's corpse in hearse for two years



A man is being hunted by police after they found a woman's body in a hearse that had been abandoned for two years and the cremated remains of at least 30 people.

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Thursday, February 22, 2024

Inflation rises to 6.5 pct in January

Sri Lanka’s inflation, measured by the National Consumer Price Index, increased to 6.5 percent in January from 4.2 percent reported in December 2023, the Department of Census and Statistics said on Wednesday.

The department said the food inflation increased to 4.1 percent from 1.6 percent during the period while the inflation in the non-food category had increased to 8.5 percent from 6.3 percent.

Sri Lanka’s central bank said last week that the inflation is anticipated to gradually stabilize at the targeted level of 5 percent over the medium term, following a short-lived acceleration of inflation in the near term on account of recent tax adjustments and supply-side disruptions.

The central bank said that headline inflation is expected to peak in the third quarter of 2024, mainly on account of the unfavourable base effect stemming from sharp disinflation recorded in the third quarter of 2023.



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Boris Johnson: ‘World was safer under Donald Trump’



Boris Johnson reiterated his support for Donald Trump who is due to address a Republican conference in Washington DC tomorrow.

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Proof that Donald Trump has a plan ready from day one if he wins back the White House



EXCLUSIVE: The Daily Express US was granted access to the inner sanctum of the Heritage Foundation to hear about the plans for the next Republican presidency.

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Wednesday, February 21, 2024

Rohitha accuses woman of violating his privileges

By Saman Indrajith

SLPP Kalutara District MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena told Parliament yesterday that his privileges as an MP had been violated by social media posts put up by a female living in his electorate.

Raising a privilege issue, MP Abeygunawardena said that a woman by the name of Lalanthi Perera of No 908, Galle Road, Katukurunda, Kalutara, has put up various social media posts stating that he and Acting IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon were rogues and thieves, and they should be taken into custody immediately.

Tabling copies of social media posts, the MP said: These statements could harm our lives because they instigate others against us. I want Lalanthi Perera to be summoned before Parliament’s privilege committee and act against her. Some others do this using their fake accounts. Here in this instance, she has used her own true account. She had contested in the 2015 general election and Kalutara people know her by the name of ‘Cake Nona’. I think all 225 MPs should stand up against this. Otherwise, what is the use of our passing of the Online Safety Bill,” the MP queried.

Deputy Speaker Ajith Rajapaksa referred the issue for further action.



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Nonbinary teen dies after high school fight: Bullying suspected as police launch probe



Police are investigating the death of 16-year-old Nex Benedict who died a day after an altercation in high school that may have been prompted by bullying over their gender identity.

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Afghanistan sneak consolation win in high-scoring thriller

Fireworks from Rahmanullah Gurbaz (70 off 43) and Hazratullah Zazai (45 off 22) led Afghanistan to a big total that eventually proved just enough for a three run win against Sri Lanka in the final T20I in Dambulla on Wednesday (February 21). Pathum Nissanka (60 off 30) and Kamindu Mendis (65* off 39) fought hard for the hosts but they fell agonisingly short of the target in a pulsating finish.

On what was easily the best batting surface of the series, Afghanistan opted to bat and were given the perfect start by their openers. Gurbaz was the initial aggressor as he found his mojo from the get-go. Zazai took a bit of time before exploding into his own set of powerful strokes. The duo plundered 72 off the powerplay and it put Sri Lanka firmly on the back foot.

With Gurbaz and Zazai going great guns, Sri Lanka needed a breakthrough to stem the momentum. Akila Dananjaya did just that by getting the left-hander LBW. It started a passage of play where the scoring rate dipped a bit. Sri Lankan captain Wanindu Hasaranga produced the big breakthrough of Gurbaz while Dananjaya took out Zadran to inflict a slowdown to the innings.

Afghanistan looked set for a score in excess of 200 when their openers were firing but the middle overs slowdown threatened to end their score on a much lower level. However, Azmatullah Omarzai (31 off 23) produced a few big hits and young Mohammad Ishaq struck a few blows in the final over to take the score well past the 200-run mark. Sri Lanka were guilty of bowling a few freebies at the death, notably Matheesha Pathirana who sprayed the ball to gift too many wides.

In-form Nissanka got going, like he had all through the ODIs and T20Is, to give Sri Lanka the perfect tempo to the chase. Kusal Mendis was scratchy in his stay and played second fiddle to Nissanka who went hammer and tongs in the powerplay which yielded 64 for the hosts. Mendis fell at the fag end of that phase while Kusal Perera perished for a duck shortly thereafter. Nissanka, though, kept playing his shots and looked in ominous touch. Afghanistan suffered a blow with Sharafuddin Ashraf injuring himself while taking the catch of Mendis. Qais Ahmad came in as the concussion sub.

Moments after playing a slog-sweep for six, Nissanka clutched his hamstring in pain and was forced to retire hurt. With the series already sealed and a World Cup in few months time, it was the wise call. But in the context of this game, it was a huge blow for Sri Lanka and it gave Afghanistan the opportunity to put on a squeeze. They not only managed to do so but also picked up wickets including the big one of Hasaranga.

Afghanistan thought they could run away with the game but Kamindu and Samarawickrama got stuck into the bowling, using the batting-friendly pitch to their advantage. The required rate continued to be steep and although Samarawickrama fell to the pressure of the chase, Kamindu didn’t back off. He saw senior players in Angelo Mathews and Dasun Shanaka (who did hit a couple of handy blows) perish but kept going, almost single handedly keeping Sri Lanka in the game.

It came down to the final over with Sri Lanka needing 19 for a win against Wafadar Momand. Kamindu found the fence off the first and third ball with a dot in between, to get the equation to 11 needed off 3. This is when Wafadar bowled a beamer of sorts, clearly a waist-high no ball except that the two on-field umps didn’t think so. Kamindu had stepped out slightly but it still seemed a clear no-ball. Eventually, that proved massive to the eventual result, with Kamindu hitting the final ball for six – a shot that didn’t matter as Sri Lanka fell just short.

Brief scores:
Afghanistan 209/5 in 20 overs (Rahmanullah Gurbaz 70, Hazratullah Zazai 45, Azmatullah Omarazi 31; Matheesha Pathirana 2-42, Wanidu Haaranga 1-35,  Akila Dananjaya 2-37) beat Sri Lanka 206/6 in 20 overs (Kamindu Mendis 65*, Sadeera Samarawickrema 23,  Pathum Nissanka 60*; Fareed  Ahmad 1-30, Noor Ahmad 1-37, Quais Ahmad 1-17,  Mohammad Nabi 2-35) by three runs.



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Tuesday, February 20, 2024

International ‘Mother Language’ Day and Multilingual Education in Sri Lanka

Ayubowan Wanakkam Good morning!

International Mother Language Day is celebrated on 21 February every year by UNESCO and the UN to highlight the significance of languages in advancing human and social development. The theme for 2024 is “Multilingual education – a pillar of learning and intergenerational learning” which is crucial for inclusive education and to preserve and develop indigenous languages.

How does this theme relate to Sri Lanka? This paper outlines a few issues for consideration.

Issues related to multilingual education.

Psychological issues:

Have we considered psychological principles when introducing language policies to Sri Lanka? For example, it is well-known that concepts are best learned using the mother tongue. We know that bilingualism helps in the intellectual development of children. There is an optimum age to learn a second language, and it differs depending on the linguistic characteristics of the mother tongue and the second language. Does this mean primary education in Sri Lanka should be mainly in Sinhala and Tamil? What is the optimum ‘intellectual age’ to introduce a second or third language in school?

Despite some evidence that bilingualism leads to ‘higher intelligence’, demands for monolingual English education is growing. Should academia, educationists and the government cautiously educate the public on the matter?

Social issues:

In Sri Lanka, teaching of English includes a dose of British or Western culture. The dose is higher in international schools, because the subjects taught follow overseas curricula. The content they study, the history they learn and the values they inculcate are different from the local realities. Are we witnessing the emergence of a ‘new ethnic group’ in Sri Lanka with its own form of Western culture, behavioral practices, and belief systems? What are its social implications? What do sociologists and psychloigist have to say about this?

In Sri Lanka, English fluency is used unfairly as a basis of discrimination. It leads to intelligent students being unjustly denied employment opportunities due to poor English proficiency. English is known in Sinhala slang as ‘Kaduva’, i.e., the sword that cuts people. Meritocracy is often replaced by Anglocracy. While many in Sri Lanka protest about nepotism and corruption, generations of talented voiceless children are discriminated against because they are not fluent in English. Civil society groups (often dominated by English-speaking groups) appear to be silent. Why is this so?

Educational issues:

Education in Sri Lanka is divided on linguistic lines and a majority of state schools are monolingual, either Sinhala or Tamil. A few are bilinguial (Sinhala and Tamil) or English with Sinhala or Tamil, limited mainly to a few elite schools. What are the policies to transition towards a more integrated bilingual or trilingual education system that simultaneously preserves and develops the mother-language and culture of the child?

Is it time to review the the policy of introducing English streams to some of the schools? This may have inadvertently led to widening of inequalities. In some schools, the English medium classes are filled with the students having social connections and the best teachers are allocated to them, widening of intra-school inequalities and fostered resentments. If true, what is the policy we propose? Have we considered transliteration as an interim measure? For example could we use Engligh technical terms from Ordinary Level onwards, while retaining the explnatory texts in Sinhala or Tamil?

Hundreds of village schools and poorer urban schools suffer from a shortage of qualified English teachers. These children are not fluent in English for no fault of theirs. The fault is in the gross inequalities in education facilities in English. What steps do we propose to bridge this gap in the shortest possible time?

Almost a third of students (around 33%) fail English as a subject in the G.C.E. Examination!. How do we address this issue of widening access to ‘English for communication’? Should we aim for universal improvements in English for communications, rather than English streams in schools? Should we reintroduce a national program using social media, radio, CDs, and TV to reach the remote areas?

Other issues

What steps are we to take to preserve the indigenous language of the Veddhas? What about the dilect of Creole? Are we allowing extinction of these langauge? What about the different dialects of Sinhala and Tamil?

How would artificial intelligence (AI) help in multilingualism? India is translating many regional languages to English using AI. Are we investing in a similar project? Considering the global shifts in economic center of gravity, should we invest more on teaching Hindi and Chinese?

Sri Lanka’s language education policies need review and a broader discussion. We have some hope. The event to celebrate International Mother Language Day on 21st February organized by the Department of Sinhala, University of Ruhuna, in collaboration with the National Institute of Language Education and Training (NILET), from 2:00 pm to 6:00 pm at the SLFI could mark a new beginning…

Dr Saroj Jayasinghe

Emeritus Professor of Medicine

Consultant Physician

PS

These are the author’s own views and not of his employers



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Democrats hinting that Joe Biden won’t run again after ‘ignoring’ offer of help - claim



EXCLUSIVE: Andrew Lee claims to have offered the domain to "various people including high-profile elected officials".

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Monday, February 19, 2024

Global Cricket Club Junior Championship kicks off

Following the highly successful first edition last year, the 2024 edition of the GCC Junior Championship kicked off recently. This year 40 teams battle it out in two age groups; Under 13 and Under 15. While the well-known Colombo based academies are fully represented, the tournament has attracted widespread participation with teams from the Western, Central and Sabaragamuwa provinces participating. Nearly 100 matches will be played in total for the two prestigious trophies and many other awards on offer.

Results of the 14 matches worked out so far:

Under 13 age group

Surrey

217/5 beat SPS Rambukkana 144/8, by 71 runs

SPS Rambukkana

151/6 beat CR Academy 150/5, by 4 wickets

SA Academy

153/9 beat WP Academy by 72/10, by 81 runs

NP Academy

70/4 beat Colts Academy 67/8, by 6 wickets

Mark Brendon Academy

108/3 beat SCC Academy 107/10, by 7 wickets

Sanath Jayasuriya Cricket Foundation

98/1 beat Masters Academy 95/7, by 9 wickets

Mutuwal Academy

122/8 beat SA Academy 121/8, by 2 wickets

Colombo Premier Foundation

148/2 beat CR Academy 147/10, by 8 wickets

Under 15 age group

Berms Academy

155/7 beat CR Academy 139/8, by 16 runs

Chitrasumana Sports Club

170/8, beat MSSC Cricket Club 99/10, by 71 runs

NP Academy

206/4 beat WP Academy 118/7, by 88 runs

MB Academy

169/6 beat Oval Academy 95/9, by 74 runs

MB Academy

226/6 beat GCC Blue 104/10, by 122 runs

Bloomfield Academy

204/9 beat SCC Academy 124/5, by 80 runs



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Mathews, Hasaranga all-round show helps Sri Lanka seal series

Angelo Mathews and Wanindu Hasaranga’s brilliant all-round show, well complimented by a steady half-century from Sadeera Samarawickrama, helped Sri Lanka prolong Afghanistan’s winless streak on in the ongoing multi-format tour and seal the T20I series 2-0 with a game to go. Sri Lanka posted a commanding 187/6 riding on the back of Samarawickrama’s fifty and cameos from the two all-rounders. However, Mathews opened the bowling as well after his unbeaten knock and triggered a top-order collapse that the visitors failed to recover from, eventually collapsing to 115 all out in reply.

Put in to bat first, the Sri Lankan openers got their team off to a flying start with a quickfire 45-run stand in under four overs. The pair launched a flurry of boundaries – they hit nine between them – as the hosts quickly raced away before Azmatulllah got the much needed breakthrough for Afghanistan by trapping Pathum Nissanka LBW. Kusal Mendis fell three balls later, as Afghanistan dented their progress.

Losing both set openers, and then Dhananjaya da Silva, in quick succession set was a setback Sri Lanka needed to quickly recover from and Samarawickrama came to the rescue with a steady half-century and caemos around it gave Sri Lanka firm control of proceedings. First, it was Wanindu Hasaranga who smacked a couple of sixes in his 9-ball stay for 22. And later it was Mathews who hammered four maximums and two more boundaries, chipping in an invaluable 42* in just 22 balls. His knock, that helped Sri Lanka plunder 49 runs in just the last three overs, proved the turning point as the hosts finished with a daunting 187 on the board.

Fresh off his batting heroics, Mathews picked up the new ball and delivered in the very first over by having Hazratullah Zazai caught behind. He accounted for the Afghanistan skipper, Ibrahim Zadran, as well in his following over, finishing his brief powerplay spell with impressive figures of 2-9 as Afghanistan slipped to 19/2. To make matters worse, Binura Fernando struck twice in the fifth over to make it 31/5 and Afghanistan were eventually at the point of no return.

The 39-run stand that ensued between Mohammad Nabi (27) and Karim Janat (28) was probably the only thing to write home about in all of Afghanistan’s chase. Nabi in particular was aggressive during his 17-ball 27, hitting a couple of sixes, but the target in front of them was too tall a mountain to climb. Hasaranga and Pathirana wrapped up the tail fairly quickly once the stubborn sixth-wicket stand was broken by Dasun Shanaka and Afghanistan fell a staggering 72 runs short.

Brief scores:
Sri Lanka 187/6 in 20 overs (Pathum Nissanka 25, Kusal Mendis 23, Sadeera Samarawickrama 51, Wanidu Hasaranga 22, Angelo Mathews 42*; Fazalhaq Farooki 1-31, Azmatullah Omarzai 2-40, Naveen-ul-Haq 1-46,  Mohammed Nabi 2-25) beat  Afghanistan 115 all out in 17 overs (Karim Janat 28, Mohammad Nabi 27; Angelo Mathews 2-9, Binura Fernando 2-18, Maheesh Theekshana 1-30,  Wanindu Hasaranga 2-19, Matheesha Pathirana 2-22, Dasun Shanaka 1-17 ) by 72 runs



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Pilot project to digitize education will be launched in March

Education Minister Dr. Susil Premajayantha who attended a press briefing titled ‘Collective Path to a Stable Country,’ held today (19) at the Presidential Media Center (PMC). announced that the initiation of a pilot project for digitizing education is scheduled to commence in March.

He added that all school textbooks for the year 2024 have been printed at a cost of Rs. 12,000 million and will be distributed to schools by first March.



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Sunday, February 18, 2024

JICA President hopes for earliest conclusion of debt restructuring for Sri Lanka

Dr. TANAKA Akihiko, President of Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) was on an official visit to Sri Lanka from 13 to 16 February, 2024. On 14 February, Dr. Tanaka met with President Ranil Wickremesinghe, at the presidential secretariat.

President Tanaka welcomed the agreement in principle with the Official Creditors Committee at the end of November 2023 on the debt restructuring and expressed hope for the earliest conclusion of the debt restructuring, so the economic conditions of Sri Lanka can get normalized and Sri Lanka can gain confidence from the private sector.

He also conveyed his respect to President Wickremesinghe’s tremendous efforts towards the strong recovery of Sri Lankan economy through the robust reforms.

Dr. Tanaka met with Dinesh Gunawardena, the Prime Minister; Kanchana Wijesekera, the Minister of Power and Energy; Jeevan Thondaman, Minister of Water Supply and Estate Infrastructure Development; Nimal Siripala de Silva, Minister of Ports, Shipping and Aviation on the same day.

During his visit to Sri Lanka, Dr. Tanaka attended the inauguration ceremony of JICA ODA loan project, “Anuradhapura North Water Supply Project Phase 1”, the signing ceremony for the new JICA grant project, “Stabilization of Power Supply Using Renewable Energy at Hospitals” as well as the inspection of several JICA project sites, including the “Bandaranaike International Airport Development Project 2”.



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Saturday, February 17, 2024

Asian Elections and Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s India visit

by Rajan Philips

2024 is election year practically everywhere. In South Asia, it is two down and two to go. Bangladesh went first in January, and the governing Awami League won the election as predicted, with the main opposition Bangladesh National Party boycotting the election and the government fielding independent candidates to avoid the embarrassment of winning uncontested seats. Pakistan had its election on February 8, and the people literally gave the finger to rebuke the military’s machinations of the election.

Unlike in Bangladesh, where the government nominated independent candidates, in Pakistan the imprisoned Imran Khan and his proscribed PTI (Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf) were forced to field their candidates as independents and were barred from using the Party’s Cricket Bat symbol. Yet they won the most seats, and they would apparently have won a clear majority but for the widely alleged manipulations in vote counting. There are continuing allegations by independent commentators that a clear victory for the PTI was stolen in the wee hours of the election night. In the aftermath of uncertainty, the former alliance of the Pakistan Muslim League of the Sharif brothers and the Bhutto-Zardari led Pakistan’s People’s Party, who ousted Imran Khan from office, is back – cobbling together yet another new government ignoring the people’s verdict.

Next up is India with the mother of all elections which will be held over two months in April and May. As things are, Prime Minister Modi is all set for a threepeat win and form a third Modi-BJP government in succession. The opposition parties are still haggling over how much of a united front opposition they can rationally build upon before it is too late. It seems already too late unless something spectacular were to happen to jolt the opposition fragments to come together to survive, let alone turn back the Modi juggernaut, or simply be run over by it as separate entities. What is more significant than the Modi threepeat is the way in which he is overhauling the character of the Indian state.

What Narendra Modi is doing now to India is what the leaders of Pakistan did to their country at the very moment of its cesarean birth – the creation of a theocratic religious state, spurning the example of India that opted for a modern secular state to overarch a deeply asecular traditional society, where religious differences were/are combustibly vulnerable to political demagoguery. We can keep writing about this till holy cows keep coming home, but the point here is that the recent and ongoing developments in Bangladesh, Pakistan and India provide an insightful South Asian backdrop to the anticipated elections in Sri Lanka, and perhaps more contextually to Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s seemingly geo-locally significant visit to New Delhi.

Sri Lanka is the fourth to go for elections in South Asia. But there was another Asian election this week, in Indonesia, the world’s fourth largest country, the third largest democracy, with the world’s largest Muslim population, and a growing economic powerhouse that is quite ahead of India in almost all economic growth measures. As in many other prospering countries, while there is impressive economic growth there is also a worrying democratic recession. In the presidential election on Wednesday (February 14), Prabowo Subianto, a former army lieutenant general of considerable notoriety under Suharto, and the current Minister of Defense under President Joko Widodo, is reported to be comfortably ahead to win in the first round without a runoff. His Vice Presidential running mate is 36 year old Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the eldest son of President Joko Widodo.

There has not been any reporting of serious voting malpractices, but pre-election shenanigans have raised concerns that the country is on the slippery slope of democratic recession. Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto are former rivals who faced off each other in the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections, which Joko won and Prabowo lost. They have since become allies and the highly popular Joko has gone to the extent of supporting Prabowo’s candidacy in 2024 against the nominee of his own Party (the ruling Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle), Ganjar Pranowo, thereby ensuring Pranowo’s defeat. The alleged reasons for the switch are Joko’s political desire to continue to have a say in the government, and the even stronger paternal desire to give his son a stepping stone as the new Vice President. At 36, Gibran is underage to be Vice President, but the hurdle was removed by the country’s top court with Chief Justice Anwar Usman, Joko’s brother-in-law, casting the deciding vote for his nephew. What is new, and where?

Unlike other Asian countries, including Pakistan where the army calls all the shots, Sri Lanka is the only country where election timing is virtually at the discretion of its CEO, aka the Executive President. At the same time, an incumbent government’s interference in the conduct of elections would seem to have been minimized after 2015, and the first defeat of the Rajapaksas. One would hope that Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe will not monkey with election timing anymore, and will not try to redeploy the old election dirty tricks of the UNP that go back all the way to Dedigama, long before independence, in the 1936 election to the second State Council election. The UNP was not a Party at that time, but its eventual fathers were in control of the levers of state power even under colonial rule.

AKD’s Visit

The only formal political party in Sri Lanka in 1936 was the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. By 1939, the Party was proscribed, and its leaders were jailed. They broke jail and went to India, not to escape incarceration, but to continue their revolutionary activity and join the struggle in India for freedom from colonial rule. The Indian expedition of the Old Left would be a more appropriate backdrop for commentary on the political implications of Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit to India than that cheap gossip in a Sunday Paper, about Lenin allegedly asking Trotsky to go even in a petticoat to procure peace at Brest Litovsk.

Many of the commentaries on the visit were also putt shots aimed at the pre-history of the NPP, or the old history of the JVP, and all of them predicated on the musings of Rohana Wijeweera about Indian Expansionism. Lionel Bopage, one of the repositories of the positive aspects of the JVP experience, has provided a useful overview of the evolution of the JVP’s position on India, but it is unlikely that the JVP’s and NPP’s media detractors would read Bopage or do their own research to provide an objective assessment of AKD’s visit to India.

One striking omission in almost all of the negative commentaries is that their negativity is singularly aimed at AKD and the JVP/NPP, and nothing much negative, if at all, has been said about the Modi government’s imperial invitation to a rising political star in India’s utmost isle. Yet I came across one amusingly innocent piece that politely accused India for its meddlesome manners especially in the matter of the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987. There is nothing new in this, but what I found to be new is the nugget that Rohana Wijeweera apparently never stopped warning about India’s designs for Sri Lanka and that he based his premonitions on a detailed study of the Indian National Flag that includes The Ashoka Chakra or Dharma Chakra, and the Indian National Emblem that includes an adaptation of the four lions of Ashoka’s Lion Capital.

I don’t know whether Rohana Wijeweera actually said anything or believed that the use of the Chakra and the Lion in India’s national symbols is something that Sri Lankans should remain wary of. But this is the kind of nationalistic adolescence that Anura Kumara Dissanayake would hopefully help not only the JVP but also most Sri Lankans to grow out of, through the vehicle of the NPP. Thankfully, no one in the NPP is in the blabbering habit of Wimal Weerawansa, who once exhibited his high school general knowledge when he insisted in parliament that the Indian National Anthem, Tagore’s immortal rendition in Bengali, is only sung in Hindi! Those days are behind the Sri Lankan electorate, and there is much to look ahead.

Just on the question of the Chakra on the Indian Flag, there have been a few interpretations of it. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, the vocational Philosopher, India’s first Vice President and later President, has interpreted the Chakra as being representative of dharma and law. Prime Minister Nehru was more practical – the Chakra is symmetrical on the flag and easily reproduceable than Mahatma Gandhi’s Spinning Wheel that had been on the flag of the Congress during the independence struggle.

Sri Lankan Historian S. Arasaratnam, one of the more objective scholars of nationalism among Sri Lankan academics, has interpreted the Chakra as symptomatic of the efforts of India’s founding fathers (in the Constituent Assembly) to lift the emerging nation above the fray of its religious differences. Then comes along Modi after 75 years and plunges the country into a new temple triumphalism.

Those who ask the JVP to explain its rapprochement with India in light of its virulent opposition to the Indo Lanka accord 37 years ago, have not been consistent in asking others who too had been opposed to India in more ways than one and even long before the signing of the Indo Lanka accord.

NM Perera pithily characterized the foreign policy of DS Senanayake and the first UNP government as “Anglo mania and India phobia.” That mindset has been quite the norm in many political circles. It continued 30 years later with President Jayewardene at least until 1983. Even the SLFP has not been averse it to it despite later claims of a special relationship with the Nehru family in India.

As nuggets go, James Manor in his biography of SWRD Bandaranaike, The Expedient Utopian, recounts an anecdote from the 1930s, when Lord Mountbatten was stationed in Kandy and Nehru was visiting the island. Mountbatten suggested to one of SWRD Bandaranaike’s sisters that they should invite the visiting Indian leader for tea at Horagolla. Pat came the rebuff, “we do not sup with coolies.” That was more ignorance than snobbery, but the nugget would go down well in Modi circles in today’s India.

As well, as political analysis goes, one of the academic theses on the Indo Lanka Accord has been that the accord severed the linkages between the Sri Lankan state establishment and the social base of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. The argument continued that what was ruptured in 1987 was restored only after 2005 when Mahinda Rajapaksa became President, thanks to the not so hidden hand support of the LTTE. Yet it has been a truism among Sinhala ultranationalists that Mahinda Rajapaksa is the only authentic Sinhala nationalist leader because everyone else was compromised by English.

Now that the Rajapaksas are gone, and the Supreme Court has ruled why, there might be revisitations of the old thesis. One hypothesis could be that the tragedy of the Rajapaksas is that they were used as dummies by others, who were otherwise political nobodies, for ventriloquistic claims on everything from nationalism to the economy, and from central banking to organic fertilizer.

As I wrote recently, the peacefully involuntary departure of the Rajapaksas has created the biggest vacuum to be filled in this election year. Anura Kumara Dissanayake has emerged as the most likely contender to fill that void, but in altogether different, and hopefully positive, ways. His trip to Delhi enhances that assessment, and even expectations, except for those who hold against Mr. Dissanayake the sins of his predecessors but will not subject any other political leader to such a demanding postmortem.



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Hasaranga and Pathirana bring a thriller home for Sri Lanka

In front of a sold out crowd in Dambulla, Sri Lanka edged a rollercoaster first T20I against Afghanistan, winning by four runs to take a 1-0 lead in the three-match series.

Binura Fernando who had been taken for 38 runs in three overs up until then – came up trump in the end, defending 11 runs in the final over. At the other end was Ibrahim Zadran  having batted through the innings – unbeaten on a 55-ball 67, but having fallen agonisingly short.

But it was Matheesha Pathirana who turned the game in the hosts favour, bowling an exceptional penultimate over where he grabbed two wickets for just three runs, as he ended with figures of 4 for 24.

Sri Lanka had earlier been put into bat, and had been bowled out for 160 – much of which was down to Wanidu Hasaranga’s outstanding counter-punch innings of 67 off 32. Afghanistan though had picked up a cluster of wickets either side of Hasaranga’s knock to keep Sri Lanka to a par total.

For much of Afghanistan’s chase the game had looked in hand, particularly with Ibrahim at the crease, but Sri Lanka’s bowlers led by Pathirana did well to grab wickets at crucial junctures and nip in at the death.

Action packed powerplay

All the talk across the ODIs had been the nature of the wickets, with the batting friendly tracks delivered in Pallekele widely lauded. The question then was, would Dambulla – hosting its first men’s international in five years – follow suit? Well, while Afghanistan opted to bowl, choosing to first see how the wicket played before taking a crack, Sri Lanka were tasked with gauging it on the fly.

The question didn’t take long to answer as Sri Lanka got off to a flyer, crashing a healthy 51 runs in the powerplay. The only hitch was they lost three wickets in the process, as Afghanistan had expertly preyed on Sri Lanka’s newfound aggression. Pathum Nissanka edged through flaying at a wide one, Kusal Mendis got a leading edge on an attempted scoop down to third man and Dhananjaya de Silva pulled one straight to deep square leg.

Three became four shortly after when Asalanka sought to pull a long hop down leg, but only managed to feather an edge to the keeper. Midway through the eighth over Sri Lanka were suddenly 55 for 4.

Wow-nindu’s floating counter

With Sri Lanka at very real risk of throwing away a promising start, skipper Hasaranga took it upon himself to promote himself up the order ahead of both Angelo Mathews and Dasun Shanaka.

The role of Hasaranga as a floating pinch-hitter had first been explored in last year’s LPL with devastating results, but the question now was could he translate it to the international stage? An injury prior to last year’s World Cup meant the answer to that had to wait a little a longer, but here he was finally able to showcase his batting chops.

In a blitzkrieg knock, Hasaranga ransacked 67 off just 32 deliveries. His partnership with Sadeera Samarawickrama worth 72 came off 40 balls, with the latter accounting for just 18 of those. By the time Hasaranga was dismissed in the 16th over, he had taken Sri Lanka to 146 for 6.

Afghanistan strike back and start fast

Fazalhaq Farooqi, Azmatullah Omarzai, Naveen-Ul-Haq and Karim Janat, each with their variations in pace and length proved too good for the Lankan lower order and tail to get away.

Despite both Angelo Mathews and Dasun Shanaka around to launch at the death, Afghanistan made sure that Sri Lanka didn’t even complete their 20 overs in the end. The final four wickets added just 14 runs – Mathews and Shanaka accounting for 12 of those – as Sri Lanka were bowled out for 160.

Then with the bat they began with a bang. The trick often to completing middling chases is in making use of the power-play, and in this respect Afghanistan followed the script to a tee. Aside from the first over, the remaining five in the power-play saw at least one boundary scored.

With Ibrahim taking the lead they eventually razed 57 runs in the opening six overs for the loss of just one wicket.

Sri Lanka chip away

Hasaranga had spoken before the game about Sri Lanka’s impressive bowling stocks and here he utilised them to their fullest extent. Having initially brought himself on inside the power-play – an uncharacteristic move but one warranted owing to Afghanistan’s fast start – he struck in his second over, sneaking a googly through Gulbadin Naib’s leg side hack.

Pathirana’s introduction in the next over saw another fall, before Dasun Shanaka and his clever variations in pace grabbed two in the space of three balls two overs later. Just like that Afghanistan were 86 for 5

Pathirana comes through clutch

But in keeping with the theme of the game, the drama wasn’t done yet. Ibrahim and Karim Janat’s stand of 39 off 28 took the game down to the wire, and with 36 need from 24 with five wickets in hand, the game was conceivably Afghanistan’s to lose.

Pathirana however had other ideas. Janat had no answer to a searing length ball that kept lower than expected owing to Pathirana’s slingy action, and trapped him in front. The 21 year-old saved the best for last though, producing two exceptionally quick fuller ones two overs later to get rid of Noor Ahmad and Naveen-Ul-Haq, as Afghanistan were reduced to 150 for 9 heading into the final over.

There, Binura redeemed himself with a series of well directed wide yorkers that Ibrahim was unable to get away, as Sri Lanka secured a nervy victory.

Brief scores:
Sri Lanka 160 in 19 overs (Kusal Mendis 10, Dhananjaya de Silva 24, Sadeera Samarawickrama 25, Wanidu Hasaranga 67; Fazalhaq Farooqi 3-25, Naveen-ul-Haq 2- 25, Azmatullah Omarzai 2-30, Noor Ahmad 1-18, Karim Janat 1-23 ) beat  Afghanistan 156 for 9 in 20 overs  (Ibrahim Zadran 67*, Rahmanullah Gurbaz 13, Gulbadin Naib 16, Karim Janat 20; Angelo Mathews 1-16, Maheesh Theekshana 1-31, Wanidu Hasaranga 1-20, Matheesha  Pathirana 4-24, Dasun Shanaka 2-17) by four runs

(Cricinfo)



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Friday, February 16, 2024

Lessons from Gandhi’s life

By A. K. MERCHANT

In a voice choked with sadness and emotion, two hours after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30 January 1948, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, first Prime Minister of India, while announcing the dastardly act to the nation through All India Radio, inter alia said: “…The light that has illumined this country for these many years will illumine this country for many more years, and a thousand years later, that light will be seen in this country and the world will see it and it will give solace to innumerable hearts…” A little more than seventy-six years ago, Mahatma Gandhi’s life was abruptly terminated.

Surely, he would have never thought that his end would be so unexpected, less than six months after he and the whole band of freedom fighters, many of whom had suffered greatly and sacrificed their lives, had secured India’s freedom from the colonial yoke. Those who sacrifice their life and endure persecution for the benefit of humankind have a very high station in the sight of God.

From the very beginning when the Báb, MartyrProphet of the Bahá’i Faith, declared his mission, thousands of followers had to bear the brunt of persecution, several hundred willingly sacrificed their lives. While none of us can fully fathom the mysteries of martyrdom and why so much innocent blood is shed, the history of humankind is replete with soul-stirring episodes of supreme sacrifice, such as that of Jesus Christ and his apostles; Imam Husayn and his entire family, massacred on the plain of Karbala; Guru Tegh Bahadur, who at the urging of his minor son, later Guru Gobind Singh, willingly offered his life, refusing to yield to the diktat of a tyrant, and the assassination of Gandhiji, Father of the Nation.

Today let’s reflect on the life of Gandhiji. What was the message of his death? What does he have to teach the world? With so much violence everywhere today, what is so significant about Bapu’s killing? We can answer these questions with the word “yagna”. Yagna was the spirit of his life and the message of his death. Every breath of his life, including the last, was an oblation to his country, his principles and his faith in God. The theme of his life was truly sacrifice.

He could have been a wealthy attorney. He could have had a life of relative ease and prosperity. However, he was man devoted to his country and to its freedom. Through his tireless efforts and his simple piety he showed the world how through principles of satyagraha, ahimsa and sarvodaya his fellow-country men and women could be inspired and motivated to achieve greatness. However, in spite of national and international acclaim, he never lost his humility, his dedication or his spirit of sacrifice.

Rather, the flames of his true yagna to Bharat mata seemed to only grow until he, himself, was the poornahuti, or final offering. Gandhiji’s spirit of non-violence and sacrifice did not only pertain to overt actions. It was a quality of the spirit – a quality of humble love for all human beings. There is a story of a man travelling by train to Porbandar in the same coach as Gandhiji. However, the man did not know that the skinny old man in his coach was Mahatma Gandhi. So, all night long this man lay down on the seat, occupied the entire berth and pushed Gandhiji and put his feet on him and left Gandhiji with barely enough room to sit upright. However, Gandhiji did not fight, nor complain.

How easy it would have been to shout and say, “I am Mahatma Gandhi; give me room in the coach.” But Gandhiji’s ahimsa was an ahimsa of the tongue and an ahimsa of the heart. So, he simply let the man use as much of the seat as he desired. As the train pulled into Porbandar, the man mentioned that he was going to see the famous Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhiji still remained silent. He had no need to stray from humility and disclose his identity. As Gandhiji descended from the train to a welcoming crowd of thousands, the man fell at his feet, begging for forgiveness.

Gandhiji, of course, blessed and forgave him, telling him only that he should be more respectful of others, regardless of who they are. He taught the man the true lesson of sarvodaya, that everyone must be treated with dignity and respect, even those who are less fortunate. Fully aware of his shortcomings, Gandhiji tenaciously clung to truth and virtue all his life. The BhagavadGita was his closest companion and source of guidance. How unfortunate it is that today so many people claim that their lives and their work are “God’s”. Yet, they use this as an excuse to lie, to cheat and even to kill.

And, at the end it is clear that they merely used God’s name in the service of themselves. Gandhiji remained pure and his death is the clearest example. Due to his commitment to ahimsa and complete surrender in God he refused to have bodyguards. Hence, on that fateful day as he climbed the four sandstone steps where people had gathered for the evening prayer meeting, a ‘stout young man in khaki dress’ made obeisance to him and the very next moment fired three shots from his pistol that was hidden in his pocket.

Gandhiji collapsed on the ground and gasping for breath uttered “hey Ram,” “hey Ram.” Gandhiji would not have wanted to be only remembered in history books. He would not want to be remembered only as the freedom fighter who led India to independence. He would want his message to live on; he would want his yagna to continue burning, to continue bringing light and warmth to all the world.

He was steadfast in his commitment to the law of nonviolence which he believed was the law of love and fervently wanted to make it the law of our species. Bahá’is believe that it is within the power of everyone, just as Gandhiji showed through his life, to bring about positive change. When enough of us prioritize the well-being of future generations above our own instant gratification, the country will progress rapidly and every citizen will benefit greatly from positive and sustainable development.

To this end, the words of Martin Luther King Jr., also a martyr, are so pertinent: “If humanity is to progress, Gandhi is inescapable…We may ignore him at our own risk.” (The Statesman)

(The writer is a social worker, independent researcher and an active member of the Bahá’i community of India. Views expressed are personal.)



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