Hambantota Port goes from strength to strength despite world turmoil

Over 300 oil and gas cargo vessels have visited the Hambantota international Port (HIP) in 2023, recording a 132 percent increase in vessel calls compared to 2022, Hambantota International Port Group (HIPG) said in a press release on Wednesday (31).

A key reason for this is the port’s bunkering partner Sinopec actively operating in the market, bringing significant value addition to the HIP’s commercial operations, the press release said.

The overall oil and gas throughput handled by the port in 2023 was 918,000 metric tons, with 700,000 metric tons of bunker and 218,000 metric tons of LPG cargoes, the press release said.

Tissa Wickremasinghe, COO of HIPG said they expect these figures to more than double in 2024.

35 vessels called at HIP in July 2023, making it the month for the highest number of calls during the year, the press release said.

The port recorded a growth of 186 percent in LPG vessels and 125 percent growth in bunker vessels in 2023, HIPG said.

HIPG said 114 bunker and 15 LPG vessels called in 2022.

The port also saw a 218 percent overall growth, HIPG said.

Wickremasinghe said the significant progress in 2023 was made amidst an economic downturn and a dollar crisis in Sri Lanka.

“The Palestine and Ukraine wars have also impacted the oil market, contributing to a surge in global prices. We have achieved our target volumes, in spite of these crises. With major projects and developments in infrastructure occurring simultaneously, the port manages vessel operations, handles manpower efficiently, and we have achieved all of this within a completely accident-free environment,” he said.

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Remembering Upali Wijewardene, Founder of Upali Group of Companies

The Upali Group of Companies, its employees and sales agents, countrywide, have made arrangements to invoke blessings on its founder, Upali Wijewardene, who disappeared in his Lear jet 41 years ago. Bodhi Pooja, Pahan Pooja and an alms-giving will be held, in his memory, on Feb. 13 (Tuesday).

A special Bodhi Pooja will be held at the Kelani Raja Maha Viharaya at 6 p.m. on February 13,With the blessings of Prof. Ven. Kollupitiye Mahinda Sangarakkhitha Thera, the Chief Incumbent of the Kelaniya Raja Maha Viharaya, arrangements have been made to offer alms to the Maha Sangha at the Kelaniya Raja Maha Viharaya, and scholarships to 10 needy children from the Helena Wijewardene Maha Vidyalaya, Kelaniya.

Alms-giving to the inmates of the Home for the Elders at Mulgampola, Kandy, Bodhi Pooja Pinkama and Kavi Bana Pinkama, from 4.30 p.m. onwards, at the Ceylon Chocolates factory premises.

Bodhi Pooja, Pahan Pooja and Kavibana deshana will be held at the Vidya Niketha Piriven Viharaya, Sapugoda, Kamburupitiya.

The employees of Upali Consumer Products have arranged an alms-giving lunch at the ‘Children’s Home’ at Ja-Ela.

Founder’s Day Programme on February 13, 2024.

9.00 a.m. Holy Mass at Mattakkuliya Church.

10.00 a.m. – Offering of Buddha Pooja at the ‘Dhathumandiriya’.

10.30 a.m. – Scholarships to 10 needy children from Helena Wijewardene Maha Vidyalaya, Kelaniya.

11.30 a.m. – Alms-giving for the Maha Sangha at the Kelaniya Rajamaha Viharaya.

12 noon – Providing lunch for the Children’s Home, Ja-Ela, organized by the employees of Upali Trading Co. Ltd.

6.00 p.m. – Bodhi Pooja and Pahan Pooja at Kelaniya Raja Maha Viharaya.

All these pinkamas (meritorious acts) are organized by Upali Group employees and newspaper, Kandos/Delta and soap agents.

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It’s franchise, stupid

Thursday 1st February, 2024

Dr. Laksiri Fernando has, in his column published on the opposite page today, reminded us that the Voters’ Day of Sri Lanka falls on 01 Feb. The Election Commission (EC) conducts special programmes on this day to educate voters on matters such as the basic qualifications required for registration, and the steps to be taken to have their names included in the electoral register. According to the EC website, previous events to mark the Voters’ Day took place under catchy themes, some of them being ‘Vote is your right ‘, ‘Vote is your right, your power’, ‘Sovereignty of the people is meaningless when there is no universal franchise’, and ‘Vote is your right; besides it is your responsibility’. Going by the manner in which politicians and political parties fool the Sri Lankan voters, one wonders whether the Voters’ Day should be held on 01 April instead of 01 Feb., in this country.

The Voters’ Day has dawned this year while the people are brimming with anger that the incumbent government has arbitrarily postponed the local government elections, depriving them of their right to vote. The government cited lack of funds due to the current economic crisis as the reason for the poll postponement, but the massive wasteful expenditure it incurs has belied its claim of pecuniary woes. This year’s Independence Day celebrations will cost the public an arm and a leg; they will only boost the egos of the ruling party leaders who have made this country a burden on other nations by ruining its economy.

It requires much more than voter education to safeguard the people’s franchise. The need for a concerted effort by the public, the EC, civil society organisations, the media, etc., to prevent governments from suppressing franchise cannot be overstated.

In 2017, the UNP-led Yahapalana government postponed the provincial council polls by amending the Provincial Council (PC) Elections Act. The Amendment Bill was stuffed with a large number of sections sans judicial sanction before being rushed through Parliament. The TNA, which helped the Yahapalana government make the PC polls disappear, so to speak, is now lamenting that the PCs are without elected representatives!

The J. R. Jayewardene government, which introduced an amendment to the Parliament Elections Act, in 1988, pertaining to the National List (NL), smuggled into the Amendment Bill the words—‘any person’—after its ratification by Parliament. Thanks to this unauthorised addition, political parties can appoint their NL members as prescribed by the Constitution, and then bypass the supreme law by engineering NL vacancies to appoint persons of their choice to Parliament. All attempts to have this highly undemocratic practice terminated have been in vain. Such appointments are antithetical to people’s franchise and democracy, and therefore the parliamentary election laws must be amended to stop them. Similarly, the constitutional provision that permits the appointment of defeated candidates as NL MPs has to be done away with.

The governments that postpone, do away with, or rig elections are a danger to democracy. The extension of the life of Parliament by the J. R. Jayewardene government, with the help of a heavily-rigged referendum, in 1982, was one of the main causes of the second JVP insurrection, which plunged the country into a bloodbath in the late 1980s. If a free and fair general election had been held instead of that referendum, the irate people would have been able to give vent to their pent-up anger democratically, and the JVP would not have been able to mobilise the youth to stage its second uprising. But President Jayewardene wanted to retain his five-sixths majority.

Besides ensuring democratic representation, the expression of political will of the people, peaceful transfer of power, civic engagement and the participation of the public in governance, elections serve as safety valves that release pressure build-ups in the polity in a democratic manner. When the people are denied their right to vote, opportunities present themselves for the political forces with sinister agendas to tap public anger to fuel their anarchical projects. This is something the Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe regime bent on suppressing the democratic rights and freedoms of the public and bulldozing its way through ought to take cognizance of; it is skating on thin ice.

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Identity issues intensify as polls fever grips South Asia

As polls fever sweeps Sri Lanka, the prime question apparently for the discredited political class of the country in particular is who or which party or alliance would come to power at the presidential and parliamentary polls respectively, which are expected to be held sometime this year. It could be said in general that for the political actors and forces of Southern Sri Lanka, it is self- interest and power aggrandizement that primarily matter.

The motivating force for the current flurry of political activity in the South derives mainly from these factors. However, what the South would need to worry about more are the recent, to a great extent, historic developments in Tamil politics. To be specific, political forces and personalities of the South would be acting with greater foresight, if they weigh the pros and cons of the election of Jaffna district parliamentarian Sivagnanam Shritharan, reputed to be a Tamil nationalist, to the position of head of the Illankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) or Federal Party, with a significant margin over his closest rival.

This columnist has no problems, so to speak, with Tamil nationalism or Tamil nationalists but he wonders whether the ‘message’ sent from North-East Sri Lanka to the rest of the country through the election of Shritharan is being read with the necessary clarity and insight by it.

The above election does not exactly presage a major rejuvenation of the separatist sentiment in the North-East but needs to be seen as symptomatic of the continuing sense of alienation significant sections of the North-East population are experiencing in relation in particular to the political centre of the country. Put simply, the most vital needs of the North-East people are going unaddressed.

More specifically, the North-East public has no reason to be happy with their present lot, although it is quite some time since the anti-LTTE war came to an end. But what could be expected from central governments that are baulking at even implementing in full the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution?

Instead, it has been a question of governments making promises to the North-East people and reneging on them. Thus, central governments are wittingly or unwittingly providing reasons for sections of the Tamil polity to be disenchanted with them. From here, it is a short step to frustration and revolt and the history of the Tamil problem bears this out. It up to the centre to ensure that Sri Lanka does not return to that destructive cycle.

Thus, the election of Shritharan should be seen by the government in particular as a ‘wake-up’ call. It would need act now to take development, in the truest sense, to the North-East or allow identity politics in the region to grow to unmanageable proportions. Sri Lanka’s Longsuffering of 30 years should have driven home to it that it is the lack of re-distributive justice that leads to the surfacing of identity politics and separatism.

Hopefully, those sections that are currently engaged in power jousts in the South would stop awhile and think on these things. The North-East continues to be a vulnerable flank, as it were, and could no longer be ignored.

The development aspirations and schemes of the South would come to nought if the North-East is not fully integrated into the rest of the Sri Lankan polity. In the absence of equitable growth there is no future for Sri Lanka. Looked at from this viewpoint, the present power struggles of the South are nothing but a wasteful distraction.

As is known, Pakistan would going to the polls very soon, to be followed by India in a few months’ time. As in the case of Sri Lanka, they too would need to guard against the emergence of identity politics in their more destructive forms.

Identity politics are a handy tool in the hands of visionless but ambitious politicians who cannot see farther than short term political gain. Unfortunately, South Asia has more than its fair share of politicians of this bent. What these politicians are wittingly or unwittingly carving out are states with a huge capacity to implode.

It is with limitless avarice that such politicians exploit ethnic, religious, language and cultural barriers in their midst to further their power aspirations. India is the most advanced country in South Asia from the viewpoint of democratic development but in India too there is a tendency among the powerful to exploit religious divisions.

It is with deep regret that admirers of India view ongoing efforts by some opportunistic elements within the country to stir-up once again Hindu-Muslim animosities by resurrecting disputes relating to sacred sites. Fortunately, India’s highest courts have the reputation of resolving such questions even-handedly.

Likewise, Pakistan needs to guard against the unbridled power ambitions of politicians who seek to exploit religious tensions. Pakistan is currently managing to remain within the democratic fold, but its credentials in this regard may change if internal religious tensions are allowed to reach boiling point and the Generals are compelled to make a comeback.

In the cases of all the above countries, it is national integration based on equitable growth or inclusive development that will prove crucial in keeping them together as democratic countries.

Unfortunately for South Asia, the current international political situation could have the impact of further polarizing their polities along ethnic, religious and cultural cleavages. The present tensions in the Middle East, for instance, show signs of developing into an Islam versus West armed confrontation.

On the one side is Israel firmly backed by the US and the rest of the West and on the other, Hamas and its allies of a strong Islamic bent, supported staunchly by Iran. Of late, some US military bases have been coming under drone attacks in the Middle East, suspected to have been orchestrated by Iran, and the US would need to exercise maximum restraint to prevent the conflict from escalating into a regional war. The latter, if not managed effectively, could degenerate into an international conflict.

It would be obligatory on the part of the foremost democratic political actors of the South to prevent the current, escalating tensions in the Middle East from adversely impacting their states. If they commit to a Non-aligned foreign policy and restrain themselves from siding with the principal antagonists in the Middle East, they could keep their countries together and prevent them from falling apart along religious and ethnic lines. Hopefully, enlightened, democratic thinking would come to their rescue.

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Dual roles of researchers in objectivism and subjectivism

Navigating truths:

The expression “lies, damned lies, and statistics” has long served as a pointed reminder of the risks associated with manipulating or misusing statistical information. To underscore the severity of intentional deception, the phrase could be extended to include more severe lies as “publication.”

Objectivism and subjectivism are two contrasting philosophical perspectives that shape how individuals perceive and interpret the world, especially in the realms of ethics, epistemology, and metaphysics. Objectivism holds that truth exists independently of individual beliefs or opinions. It asserts that objective truths can be discovered through reason and evidence, and these truths are consistent regardless of personal perspectives. Subjectivism views truth as dependent on individual perspectives. Truth is seen as relative, varying from person to person based on their experiences, emotions, and interpretations.

Objectivism asserts the existence of an objective reality external to individual perception. It posits that reality exists independently of human consciousness, and there are absolute truths that can be discovered through reason and observation. This perspective can be risky as it may result in communities rejecting other beliefs, potentially causing racial tensions and even leading to riots. This rejection of diverse viewpoints can foster discord and harm the overall harmony within a community. It is essential to promote understanding and acceptance to mitigate such risks and build a more inclusive society.

Subjectivism, on the other hand, suggests that reality is constructed through individual perception and experience. It holds that what is considered “real” is subjective and varies from person to person, emphasizing the role of personal interpretation in shaping reality.

Objectivism posits that there are objective truths that can be known through reason and empirical evidence. Scientific methods and logical deduction are often emphasised as reliable means of obtaining knowledge. Subjectivism contends that knowledge is rooted in personal experiences, feelings, and interpretations.

Limitations of Objectivism

Objectivism tends to reduce complex human experiences and moral dilemmas into a rigid framework centered around rational self-interest. This oversimplification fails to acknowledge the multifaceted nature of human emotions, relationships, and ethical considerations.

Objectivism places a heavy emphasis on reason and rationality, often neglecting the importance of emotional intelligence in human decision-making. Subjectivism, on the other hand, recognises the significance of emotions in shaping our perceptions and moral judgments.

Embracing Subjectivism

Subjectivism allows for a more inclusive consideration of diverse perspectives, values, and cultural contexts. By acknowledging the subjectivity of human experiences, subjectivism embraces the richness of cultural diversity and encourages a more open-minded exploration of differing worldviews.

Subjectivism acknowledges the fluid and evolving nature of morality, recognising that ethical values may vary across individuals and societies. This flexibility allows for a more adaptive response to changing social, economic, and cultural dynamics.

Objectivism and Quantitative Vs Qualitative Research

Objectivism asserts the existence of an objective reality independent of the researcher’s perspective. This philosophical stance aligns with the quantitative research paradigm, characterized by the collection and analysis of numerical data. Quantitative methodologies are often favored for their precision, statistical rigor, and ability to establish causal relationships. Objectivist beliefs drive the popularity of quantitative research in various academic disciplines. The majority of international academic journals tend to lean towards a quantitative orientation. This preference is reflected in the publication of research articles that emphasise numerical data, statistical analyses, and empirical validation.

Qualitative research, mainly grounded in subjectivism and the understanding of context and meaning, holds sway in specific countries. Nations such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and the Scandinavian countries have witnessed a surge in qualitative research methodologies. Scholars in these regions embrace the richness of qualitative data to explore nuanced aspects of human experiences and social phenomena.

Conversely, several countries exhibit a dominance of quantitative research. Nations such as the United States, China, Germany, and Japan have a strong tradition of quantitative methodologies. This can be attributed to a historical emphasis on positivism and empiricism, aligning with objectivist perspectives that seek to uncover universal truths through systematic observation and measurement.

These disparities can be traced back to the distinct cultural and constitutional foundations of various nations. In regions where a qualitative approach prevails, there tends to be a greater openness to diverse cultures, fostering a spirit of peace and harmony among nations, races, and religions. In contrast, countries embracing an objectivist cultural ethos have exhibited more conflicts among diverse communities, particularly in heterogeneous societies, with notable exceptions such as Japan and China where a unique cultural dynamic mitigates such conflicts. Understanding these cultural influences is crucial for promoting intercultural understanding and global cooperation.

Safeguarding Scientific Integrity

To mitigate the risks associated with misrepresentation, the scientific community relies on rigorous peer review processes, research ethics, and academic integrity standards. Journals and institutions play a crucial role in upholding the credibility of published research by scrutinising submissions for methodological soundness and ethical conduct.

The inherent tension between the institutional objectives, individual aspirations, and the broader responsibility to the community underscores a dual role that researchers often find themselves navigating. On one hand, aligning with institutional goals, especially in the context of publications for world rankings, may necessitate adopting an objectivist stance to conform to widely accepted paradigms and achieve recognition in academic circles. On the other hand, serving the community requires a more subjectivist approach to foster cohesiveness and co-existence with individuals who may hold diverse perspectives and beliefs.

Dual roles of researchers

In the pursuit of institutional goals, particularly those related to world rankings, researchers may feel compelled to adopt an objectivist stance. Objectivism, with its emphasis on empirical evidence, measurable outcomes, and adherence to established methodologies, aligns with the quantitative paradigms often favoured in academia. This approach may facilitate the publication of research that conforms to accepted norms, contributing to institutional prestige and ranking.

Researchers, driven by individual aspirations for career advancement may find that adhering to an objectivist approach facilitates easier publication. The pressure to meet institutional expectations for productivity and output may incentivize researchers to align their methodologies with prevailing paradigms that emphasize objectivity and quantifiability.

While institutional and individual goals are paramount, researchers also bear a responsibility to serve the broader community. Adopting a subjectivist stance becomes crucial in this context, as it allows for a more inclusive and empathetic understanding of diverse perspectives. Subjectivism recognizes the importance of context, personal experiences, and qualitative insights, fostering cohesiveness and co-existence with individuals who may hold differing beliefs.

Balancing Objectivism and Subjectivism:

Navigating this dual role requires a delicate balance between objectivism and subjectivism. Researchers can adopt an objectivist approach when addressing institutional and individual goals, ensuring the rigor and credibility of their work. Simultaneously, integrating subjectivist elements into research methodologies enables a more holistic understanding of complex issues, fostering harmony between different groups of communities, engagements and contributing to the diverse needs of society.

However, maintaining ethical standards is paramount in reconciling these dual roles. Researchers must be cognizant of the potential ethical dilemmas that may arise when aligning with institutional and individual goals. Striking a balance between institutional expectations, personal aspirations, and ethical considerations ensures that research outcomes contribute positively to both academic advancement and societal well-being.

In conclusion, the dual role of researchers involves navigating the complex terrain of institutional expectations, individual aspirations, and community service. Balancing objectivism with subjectivism allows researchers to meet institutional and individual goals while simultaneously contributing to the cohesiveness, harmony and co-existence of diverse perspectives within the broader community.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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Road Safety – “NEVER” in Sri Lanka

The above title given to this piece was chosen from a like minded saying in one of Lee Quan Yew’s writings referring to Sri Lanka that “This Country can “NEVER” be put right again.”

The writer’s genuine efforts to promote safety on our roads started in 1978 the year I returned from the UK, seeing the state on our roads started with a simple letter titled “Who can solve this problem ?” which appeared in a paper called SUN on 21.05.1981.

The writer’s determination with the support of a small group of like minded professionals continued till 1988, the year I received a WHO Fellowship to Singapore promoted by the National Committee on Prevention of Accidents (NCPA) of the Ministry of Health of which I was a co-opted as a member based entirely on my own contributions to this subject.

On my return with the help of a few like minded doctors and the WHO, it was possible to organise a “Seminar cum Exhibition titled ” Introduction to the Basics of Lane Discipline” supported by a physical model 16’ x 8’ ft held at the OPA with the then Minister of Health and the WHO Resident Representative as Chief Guest and Guest of Honour respectively.

The exhibition was well altended by the public except for the boycotting by the Traffic Police who were conspicuous by their absence.

The opposing group on the other hand supported the creation of a body called “National Council for Road Safety” existing even today as an expensive White Elephant while our roads are turning into a massive killing field,

Let me conclude this piece with an appeal to the good Editor of The Island, who gave unstinted support to all our work from the beginning to at last give some insight from what was published in the The Island newspaper of September 22, 23, 24 of 2005 for completeness as well as an eye opener to those at the top that a solution as still available but certainly not under the present regime.

Eng. Anton Nanayakkara

Charted Civil Engineer (retd)

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Sirisena floats broader coalition under UPFA umbrella

A broad political coalition would be established under the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), Chairman of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Maithripala Sirisena said on Monday following a UPFA executive committee meeting.

Sirisena said they would contest elections under the ‘Chair’ symbol.

Sirisena added that the new office-bearers of the alliance would be appointed within a week.

“A number of political parties and individuals have expressed their desire to join us. This alliance will be strong and we can win,” he said.

Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva, who also attended the meeting, said an electoral alliance had to be formed to win future elections.

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FBI report shows a huge rise in hate crimes - and schools are a hotspot

The report found that at least 10 percent of hate crimes across the US are happening on school grounds.

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Govt. bringing in new laws to suppress democratic dissent – SJB

SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara yesterday said that the government was all out to bring in the Anti-Terrorism Bill and the Online Safety Bill to use them against its political opponents at future elections.

Addressing the media at the Opposition Leader’s Office in Colombo, Madduma Bandara said that both those new legislations were draconian laws that curbed the people’s democratic rights and freedoms. “The government and the Speaker rushed the Online Safety Bill through Parliament neglecting the Supreme Court guidelines to amend them. No Speaker overlooked Supreme Court determinations in the past,” Madduma Bandara said.

“The Anti-Terrorism Bill contains many draconian regulations. For example, as per the clauses in this bill, any person could be taken into custody without permission from a court of law and detained indefinitely. The Bill seeks to grant judicial powers to the DIGs. As per the Bill, the Defence Secretary has many discretionary powers. A secretary to the Ministry of Defence is a political appointment. It is anybody’s guess what will happen to democratic freedoms and rights when a political appointee is given discretionary powers to hold a person in detention,” Madduma Bandara said.

Former MP Hirunika Premachandra also addressed the press.

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Bribing voters

Tuesday 30th January, 2024

The government has reportedly decided to enhance the fine for the offence of bribing voters. Candidates contesting elections bribe electors in various ways. The election laws governing the local government, Provincial Council, parliamentary and presidential elections are very explicit on what election bribes are.

Bribing voters is the name of the game in Sri Lankan electoral politics. Candidates play Santa in the run-up to every election. Truckloads of dry rations and even liquor are generously distributed among the poor. Instances where needy voters are given cash for votes are not uncommon. Politicians only pay lip service to eradicating poverty, for they have block votes among the poor, whose desperation to dull the pangs of hunger take precedence over everything else.

A rare instance of an elected representative being unseated for bribing voters in this country was reported from Monaragala in 2021, when an unsuccessful UNP candidate and the People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) moved the Monaragala High Court against SLPP Pradeshiya Sabha (PS) member, D. M. Harshaka Priya Dissanayake, for having borne the cost of water and electricity connections for many households that accounted for the majority of the votes in Ward No 06, Maduruketiya in Monaragala PS. He had also distributed dry rations and liquor among voters, the court was told.

One of the main arguments against the Proportional Representation system (PRS) is that candidates contesting Provincial Council and parliamentary elections need huge amounts of funds for electioneering throughout electoral districts. Interestingly, the Monaragala PS member who lost his seat contested the LG polls under the mixed electoral system, which was introduced as an alternative to PRS. Dissident SLPP MP Dullas Alahapperuma has demolished the arguments against PRS by winning general elections without incurring huge campaign expenditure. Alahapperuma’s election campaigns, in the Matara District, have been free from posters, handouts, decorations, bribery, vehicle parades, etc. If he can do so, why can’t others?

The current government introduced the Regulation of Election Expenditure Act, No. 3 of 2023, which is believed to have fulfilled a long-felt need. It contains some progressive features such as restrictions on campaign finance. It prohibits donations or contributions in cash or kind from state institutions, foreign governments, international organisations, and bodies corporate, or incorporated or registered outside Sri Lanka, companies whose foreign shareholding is fifty percent or above, and any person whose identity is not disclosed.

The new laws require the candidates to submit a return of all donations or contributions. The calculation of the authorised amount of campaign expenditure for a candidate is simple. One only has to multiply the number of registered voters, in a ward or a district, by the amount fixed by the Election Commission (EC). It has been claimed in some quarters that the authorised amount is woefully insufficient, but the EC is au fait with campaign expenditure, and it is imperative that funds received and spent by individual candidates, political parties and independent groups be closely monitored and the cost of electioneering kept low to ensure equitable representation in political institutions.

Making laws is one thing but ensuring that all candidates abide by them is quite another. It is an uphill task for the EC and the returning officers to monitor campaign expenditure and ensure that candidates do not resort to corrupt practices. Above all, politicians know more than one way to shoe a horse, and will continue to throw money around to win elections and receive financial assistance from unscrupulous moneybags. There’s the rub. One can only hope that the new campaign expenditure laws will be strictly enforced.

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Biden issued major war warning as Republicans and Democrats call for huge Iran assault

EXCLUSIVE: "Biden is under huge pressure from the Republican Party and members of his own party to respond forcefully."

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Iran executes four convicted of Israeli bomb plot

Iran has executed four men it says were linked to an Israeli intelligence operation.

The death sentences were carried out on Monday after the Supreme Court rejected appeals, according to Iranian state media. The quartet was accused of planning a bomb attack ordered by Israel’s Mossad agency.

The men were convicted of illegally entering Iran from Iraq’s northern Kurdish region to attack a factory in the central city of Isfahan that produces equipment for the Ministry of Defence and Armed Forces Logistics. The operation was planned for summer 2022 but was averted by Iranian intelligence.

“The death sentence of four members of a group affiliated with the Zionist spy organisation, was carried out this morning,” the Iranian judiciary’s website Mizan Online reported.

Iran and Israel are longtime foes. They’re currently locked in a row over Iran’s nuclear programme. Israel accuses Iran of backing armed groups, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, with which it is fighting. Iran says Israel has carried out a number of killings of Iranian officials and scientists, accusations that Tel Aviv neither confirms nor denies.

Iran executes more people per year than any other country except China, according to Amnesty, and usually does so by hanging. In late December, it put to death three men and one woman convicted for alleged links to Mossad.  Last week, Mohammed Ghobadlou, an Iranian man sentenced for his participation in anti-government protests in late 2022 was execued.  Critics said the defendant had suffered from mental health issues.

“We are alarmed by reports of unfair trial proceedings in the case of Mr Ghobadlou, as well as in other cases, which fell far short of due process and fair trial standards required by international human rights law by which Iran is bound,” experts from UN’s human rights agency after the sentence was carried out.

“We are dismayed by the unprecedented rise in executions in Iran and note that at least 834 people were executed in 2023, including 8 people associated with the nationwide protests,” the experts said. “We urge the Iranian government to stop this horrific wave of executions.”

United Nations human rights chief Volker Turk said last year that Iran had an abominable track record of executions, with an average of more than 10 people hanged each week.

(Aljazeera)

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West Indies on cloud nine

by Rex Clementine

All of us Sri Lankans have grown up admiring West Indies. Kumar Sangakkara once said that as a kid when West Indies played Sri Lanka, he wasn’t sure which side to support. And he wasn’t alone. It has been painful to see their decline over the last two decades. No Champions Trophy, No World Cup, no five-match series against the big boys, the West Indies were going down the drain. The impact that the likes of Roberts, Holding, Marshall, Richards and Lara made are only a distant memory.

When West Indies landed in Australia this month, there was talk of whether they were worthy to compete against Pat Cummins’ side. That scathing criticism is justifiable for West Indies have been a pale shadow of their former selves.

Young, inexperienced and written off, West Indies had their moments in Adelaide in the first Test but were beaten by ten wickets as their batters didn’t back up the quicks.

But at the Gabba, they were awesome. The tail had done well to stitch some valuable partnerships in the day-night Test and the quicks were on the money again.

Alzarri Joseph and Kemar Roach had their moments in the first innings to restrict Australia to 289 and then in the second essay, the young Shemar Joseph was all over the Aussies finishing with seven wickets.

A toe-crushing yorker from Mitchell Starc on day three had ended Joseph’s innings prematurely and he wasn’t even going to come to the Gabba on day four as Australia needed 156 with eight wickets in hand.

But the 24-year-old from Guyana, who had featured in just five first class games before coming to Australia turned up at the ground, got some pain killer injections and made the Aussies eat humble pie bowling quick and straight.

Not many teams other than India and South Africa have won in Australia in the last two decades. They are such a tough team to beat anywhere, but it goes onto show what a couple of bowlers speeding at 140kmph can do.

Most Sri Lankans fans feel that West Indies cricket is back on track. That seems to be the feeling with rest of the cricket world too. But hey, don’t get carried away. We felt the same earlier too. It only takes 30 pieces of silver from Mr. Srinivasan or Mr. Ambani to bring it all back to square one.

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SLN seeks intl. help to secure release of Lankan fishermen abducted by Somali pirates

By Rathindra Kuruwita

The Sri Lanka Navy has sought the assistance of the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) to secure the release of a Sri Lankan multi-day fishing vessel that was hijacked on Saturday (27) by Somali pirates, Captain Gayan Wickramasuriya, Media Director of the Navy, told journalists on Sunday (28).

CMF is an international naval partnership that provides security for civilian maritime traffic by conducting counter-piracy and counter-terrorism missions in the heavily trafficked waters of the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia.

Wickramasuriya said the multi-day fishing vessel named, Lorenzo Putha 4, had six crew members when it was seized by an armed group.

Susantha Kahawatta, Director General of the Department of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, told the media on Sunday that the vessel was taken around 1,160 nautical miles off the Sri Lankan maritime boundary.

He said there were about 30 multi-day fishing vessels in the vicinity of Lorenzo Putha 4 when it was seized by pirates.Kahawatta said all communications with the vessel had ceased as those who had taken the vessel had switched off communication devices.

According to Kahawatta, all six crew members are from Chilaw.The Director General of the Department of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources added that three crew members are from the same family.Kahawatta said this is the maiden voyage of Lorenzo Putha 4, and they assume the vessel was targeted because it was brand new.

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Delays in governance and transparency reforms in Lanka’s IMF bailout programme, says Verité Research tracker

Verité Research has observed delays in governance and transparency reforms in Sri Lanka’s initial commitments under its International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout programme, even though it has met most of its commitments.

Verité Research, which tracks Sri Lanka’s progress under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme via its online platform “IMF Tracker,” has reported that, of the 73 commitments due by the end of November 2023, 60 have been met, albeit with some delays. However, 13 commitments remain unfulfilled, raising concerns about Sri Lanka’s commitment to crucial reforms.

Five of these were irreversibly missed and cannot be carried forward, while eight have been deferred to the second phase of the programme leading up to the next IMF review. Adding to the complexity, the IMF has modified due dates for an additional 27 commitments, initially set for after November, categorising them as “pending” alongside the eight carried-forward obligations. Moreover, Sri Lanka and the IMF have added 75 new commitments to the programme.

Consequently, the second phase of the EFF kicks off with a staggering 110 commitments hanging in the balance. Notably, four specific governance and transparency-related commitments remain unfulfilled, including the launch of an online transparency platform for public procurement and tax exemptions, and the establishment of a merit-based selection process for directors of the anti-corruption commission.

The IMF Tracker is an online tool that monitors the progress of government commitments in Sri Lanka’s 17th IMF Programme. The tracker is updated on a monthly basis.

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Stale toddy in new pots

Monday 29th January, 2024

Political alliances are mushrooming ahead of the next presidential election, the latest being the one formed by SLPP MP Nimal Lanza together with some of his fellow MPs and launched at Ja-Ela on Saturday. The newly-formed coalition has been named the ‘New Alliance’, but there is hardly anything new about it. One saw, at its launch, a bunch of failed SLPP politicians struggling to recover lost ground, on some pretext or another, and their supporters who had been bussed there. They are all out to continue to savour power by hitching their wagon to President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

The formation of the so-called New Alliance signifies an erosion of the SLPP’s parliamentary group. Some more SLPP MPs are expected to throw in their lot with President Wickremesinghe, but the question is whether these turncoats will be able to drum up sufficient popular support for President Wickremesinghe, or anyone else for that matter, at the next presidential election; the approval rating of the SLPP has plummeted, and its MPs themselves are worried about the prospect of losing the next general election. How can they ensure the election of anyone else?

The members of the SLPP parliamentary group seem to think that, given public antipathy towards their party, united they will fall, and divided they can stand, so to speak. They claim to have broken ranks with the Rajapaksas, who have incurred the wrath of the public. In 2015, some of them succeeded in hoodwinking the public by siding with Maithripala Sirisena and Wickremesinghe and securing ministerial posts in the Yahapalana government. Subsequently, they closed ranks with the Rajapaksas and helped form the SLPP government.

The SLPP could be considered the political version of the blob (also known as ‘many-headed slime’), a brainless mystery organism, which is cunning and capable of solving problems and repairing itself. It has been reported that scientists once cut the blob into pieces and scattered them in a maze, and they were surprised to see them ‘consolidating back into the original form’. The SLPP is doing likewise politically. Public protests against the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government caused several splits in it, but some of the breakaway groups, driven by self-interest, are likely to be reunited.

The people rejected the UNP lock, stock and barrel, at the last general election (2020) so much so that its leader Wickremesinghe had to enter Parliament via the National List. The UNP is now trying to regain popular support and win elections with the help of another bunch of political rejects in the SLPP!

Former Presidents, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Maithripala Sirisena, too, have buried the hatchet. They have patched up a compromise, at long last. Adversity as well as expediency brings politicians together. In 2005, Sirisena sided with Mahinda Rajapaksa in the presidential fray in defiance of the dictates of the then President Kumaratunga, who wanted Rajapaksa to lose. Ten years later, he turned against Rajapaksa and realised his presidential dream with the help of Kumaratunga and others. In 2018, he smoked the peace pipe with the Rajapaksas much to the chagrin of Kumaratunga. Today, he has made peace with Kumaratunga and is critical of the Rajapaksas!

After falling out with Sirisena, Kumaratunga did not miss any opportunity to castigate him; she accused him of having ruined the SLFP and sought to engineer his ouster, but in vain. They have now been publicly reconciled and are on a campaign to form a grand Opposition alliance to win the coming elections. Hope is said to spring eternal.

In 2011, Wickremesinghe, as the Opposition Leader, inveighed against the then President Rajapaksa for having rushed to Negombo in an SLAF chopper and giving a bear hug to Lanza, during an STF operation in the area. Rajapaksa’s action prompted the STF to withdraw. Wickremesinghe called it the Negombo Drama. Lanza, one of the lead actors in that drama, is now playing a supporting role in Wickremesinghe’s political drama!

It is popularly said in this country that even natural enemies such as the mongoose and the cobra stop fighting during floods and cling on to anything that floats and cooperate to maintain its balance lest they should perish. Politically speaking, we can see a large number of mongooses and cobras struggling to stay afloat in the swirling floods of public anger.

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Election ’24: Hopes for Constitutional Reforms are still alive

by Rajan Philips

The Collective for Democracy and Rule of Law (CDRL) is making a commendable intervention to launch a platform for constitutional reform early on in this election year. The Collective has convened a meeting of civil society activists and organizations, and a well-attended meeting was held in Colombo on Wednesday (January 24) last week. My focus today is on the discussion document that was circulated in advance and discussed at the meeting.

It is a refreshingly short document of 11+ pages, entitled “Principles and Proposals for Political and Constitutional Reform,” which underscores the work done by the Collective members over 30 years in preparing multiple drafts for constitutional reform. This long work without commensurate results due to ill-equipped and constitutionally less than literate political leaders, has led to constitutional overthinking in Colombo political circles. The new document is mostly free of overthinking but not totally without its hangover. At the same time, the results of their efforts have not been insignificant. To wit, the 17th Amendment and the 19th Amendment to the constitution, even though they were generally frustrated by the vexatious (18th and 20th) Amendments) of the Rajapaksas.

Thanks to Aragalaya, the country was spared of what could have been a disastrous overhaul of the constitution under Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the most constitutionally illiterate person ever to hold high offices in the Sri Lankan state. The legacy of Aragalaya is evoked in the invitation for Wednesday’s meeting, inasmuch as it was an expression of desire with new ideas among Sri Lankan citizens for a “deepening democratization” of the state. The new ideas of public trust, accountability and meaningful participation are what inform the “Principles and Proposals for Political and Constitutional Reform,” and what the proposals for reform are seeking to achieve.

Parliament and Presidency

Fundamental to these changes is the restoration of parliamentary democracy, and the new proposals seem keen to frame the debate by emphasizing the restorative aspect as the primary reform goal and the abolition of the executive presidency as its inevitable adjunct. The most readily implementable part of the new proposals is the electoral reform which is also crucial to restoring parliamentary democracy. The proposals provide for a bicameral legislature comprising a House of Representatives of 200 members and a Senate of 50 members.

Of the 200 members of the House, 130 are to be elected from the old-style territorial constituencies and the simple first-past-the-post system. 60 members are to be allocated to political parties based on proportional representation according to their voting tallies either at the national level or provincial level. The remaining 10 seats are to be allocated to political parties who contested the election but have no representation among the 190 members. These seats will be allocated to them in proportion to their national vote.

The proposals indicate that appropriate provisions will be made to ensure adequate representation of women, youth and underrepresented interest groups. Including women with youth and interest groups for appropriate consideration is simply not acceptable. The 60 proportional representation seats could easily be, and in fact should be, all allocated to women, which would be similar to constitutional arrangements in Bangladesh and in Pakistan.

Although the electoral reform is part of a complete reform package, there is no reason why these changes cannot be implemented by the current parliament, to be in place for the next parliamentary election.

That is not a task for the Collective for Democracy and Rule of Law, but the Collective could certainly build public and media pressure to bear on the political parties in parliament and on the aspiring presidential candidates.

If the question of implementing electoral reform here and now were to be put to Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa, or His Excellency, President Wickremesinghe, will they risk rejecting it? We will not know unless someone asks them.

While at it, why not add the amendment to change the system of electing the Head of State?

The new proposal is to have the President (and a Vice President) elected by an electoral college comprising members of the House of Representatives and the Senate. We will get to the Senate later, but why not have an amendment now by the current parliament that would end the system of direct election and provide for the new parliament to elect the next president as the Head of State but not the Head of Government.

Why go through the trouble and expense of a direct presidential election in September-October if it is going to be the last such election?

Again, it is up to the will of the political leadership and it is not a question of whether or not it can be done. The two changes are certainly doable by the current parliament. They are also implementable within the framework of the current constitution. I cannot see any one of the three presidential candidates publicly rejecting these possibilities if they were put to them in a public forum. Ideally, having all of them together at the same forum.

Vice President

Another proposed change is to have a Vice President, which would be an interesting addition to have even after the presidential system is emasculated. It would also be a striking contrast to President Jayewardene ruling out a Vee Pee for him while implementing a full throttled presidential system. His reasons of course were perversely negative – to avoid a political shootout among his second rung ministers to climb the Vee Pee pole. The top guns were all plotting to succeed JR Jayewardene.

The motivation now to have a Vice President is positively different – for the purpose of “sharing higher-level political office between ethnic communities” as part of transforming Sri Lanka into “a multi-ethnic and pluralist democracy.” The Vice President is stipulated to be someone from a community other than the community to which the President belongs.

There are enough examples from India where the President and the Vice President have been elected by an electoral college and have provided symbolic representation to India’s vastly diverse communities and groups. There will be no coming of age celebrations for Sri Lanka as a modern republican democracy until any and all high posts are equally open to all of its citizens regardless of their ethnic identity. Until then, small steps like the vice presidential positions should be welcome as notable progress.

The Senate

The old senate that was brusquely brushed away even while the Soulbury Constitution was breathing its last, is now back but with a different structure and for wholly different reasons. One would think that that it will not be, to reverse Jennings as well as Colvin, either superfluous by being rubber stamp to the House or mischievous by frustrating the will of the people. Rather, the new Senate could look for its model in what the founders of the US Senate (mostly James Madison) intended it to be – a mature, cautious, competent and deliberative body of sober second thought. And not what the US Senate, and more so the Congress, are turning out to be under the onslaughts of Trump’s Republican Party.

The new Senate is intended to be an institution for power sharing by ensuring provincial representation, in addition to being a check on the legislative overreach of the House of Representatives.

The Senate is proposed to have 50 members, with each Provincial Council electing five members, at least two of them women; and five members appointed by the President to represent unrepresented or underrepresented interests.

The 45 provincial members are to be elected on the basis of proportional representation within each provincial council, and the five presidential appointees are to be nominated by the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives.

All Senators are expected to be drawn from those “who have distinguished themselves in public life.” This qualification is too vague and will not be enough if the Senate is to play the role that is expected of it. The minimum age must be much higher than what it is for a voter or to become an MP. It will not hurt to require educational qualifications along with alternative experiential qualifications. There is no point in having a Senate if it is going to end up with the same calibre of MPs as there are in today’s parliament.

The proposal would seem to provide for all bills to be presented to the Senate for review and feedback, but not to vote on. The exceptions would be bills that may have implications for provincial powers, and they will require passage in the Senate with at least two members from each province voting in favour. This is the intended safeguard for provincial powers and functions from being diluted or usurped by the central government. Finally, the Senate will have the same role as the House in Constitutional Amendments – with two-thirds majority required both in the House and the Senate. No more referendums!

Balance of Powers

Besides electoral reforms, reconstituting the balance of power between the President and Parliament is a key requirement for restoring parliamentary democracy. The abolishing of the executive presidency by itself is a major part of restoration. But before Sri Lanka came under presidential tyranny it had a trial run under parliamentary tyranny. The new proposals are alert to avoiding that.

A number of provisions are being suggested – the Senate as already discussed, restricting cabinet size, establishing a Constitutional Council, and judicial review of legislation and administrative actions along with the return of the Constitutional Court, are the main ones. On a not unrelated note, there is some significance given to the matter of handling cross-over MPs.

In what seems to be an anomaly, the President is identified as the “repository of the executive power of the people,” even after restoring parliamentary democracy. This seems to be textual hangover from the JRJ constitution, while the Prime Minister as the Head of Government, and the government is going to be good old Cabinet Government. What is the purpose in identifying a “repository of the executive power” in the constitution that is outside the cabinet government?

The executive power in any event will be exercised by the Cabinet of Ministers who will in the restored order be answerable only to parliament and not any higher executive. At the same time the cabinet is cut to size literally by the proposal to limit the number of ministers to 20 and the number of state ministers also to 20. DS Senanayake wanted such a limitation in the Soulbury Constitution but the British advised against it.

Interestingly, at least five of the 20 ministers ought to be women, and at least another five ought to belong to communities other than the majority community. Shades of fifty-fifty, you would think. Similar distribution is also proposed for state ministers. These are laudably inclusive measures.

The idea and the institution of a Constitutional Council is recognized as being the outcome of “civil society pressure to curb the excessive powers of the executive presidency and to depoliticize the state and public service … (and) to function as a system of checks and balances to curb governmental power.” The same institution is proposed to be retained even after parliamentary democracy is restored, because “it could serve as an instrument for achieving a national consensus on high-level appointments.”

There should be second thoughts on the Constitutional Council as the idea of having another constitutional layer seems superfluous especially after getting rid of the executive presidency and bringing in a Senate comprising distinguished citizens. What is that we need a Constitutional Council (CC) for that cannot be done by the Senate or its Committees, even joint Committees with MPs?

Four of the 10 CC members are already members of the House or the Senate. The other six members or comparable alternates could be elected as Senators. Is there a need for another body to accommodate five distinguished citizens for their wise counsel when they can be easily accommodated in the Senate? At most, a Constitutional Council can play a fixed-term role until all the constitutional changes are implemented and the Senate is established and functioning. At that point the Council could be terminated.

(To be continued)

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Sri Lanka wages lowest in Asia – Oceania for managers, staff, Japanese firms find

ECONOMYNEXT –Sri Lanka had the lowest wages in the Asia-Oceania region where Japanese companies operate, a survey by the Japan External Trade Organization has found.

Low wages were the advantage listed by most Japanese companies (60 percent) in the investment environment of the country.

The monthly basic salary (average) in Sri Lanka was the lowest in Asia Oceania for Manufacturing mangers, non-manufacturing managers, manufacturing engineers, non-manufacturing staff and manufacturing workers, the categories surveyed.

The survey was conducted in August to September 2023, when most companies reported that operating conditions were starting to improve.

More than 53 percent of the firms reported fewer linguistic/communications problem, and 30 percent of the firms had reported a good living environment for Japanese expatriates.

Ease of recruiting staff was reported by 26.7 percent, 32.3 percent said they faced challenges with human resources, which was also the lowest percentage in the Asia-Oceania region.

Sri Lanka has seen an exodus of skilled and unskilled workers after the latest currency collapse.

Sri Lanka’s rupee collapsed to 330 to the US dollar in 2022, after extreme macro-economic policy involving rate cuts on top of tax cuts, and the country defaulted on its external debt.

Since the end of a 30-year war Sri Lanka was hit by quick fire currency crises in 2012, 2015/16, 2018 on rate cuts enforced by inflationary open market operations including under ‘flexible inflation targeting’ which led to a build-up of foreign debt.

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‘Give the Gift of Sight’ initiative

Last week marked the conclusion of the Hayleys Group’s benevolent corporate sponsorship of 260 cataract surgeries as part of the HelpAge Sri Lanka (HASL) “Give the Gift of Sight” 2023 campaign said a press release.

This meritorious act of corporate empathy was backed by a sponsorship exceeding Rs 5 million from the Group, aimed at contributing to HASL’s goal of raising funds for 2000 cataract surgeries for underprivileged elderly individuals in Sri Lanka.

Led by Chairman and Chief Executive of Hayleys PLC, Mohan Pandithage, thirteen sectors within the Hayleys Group of Companies united to sponsor these surgeries. Each sector sponsored the cost of surgeries for one day, amounting to 20 surgeries performed daily at the HASL Eye hospital, at Wellawatta, Colombo 6.

Pandithage, who visited the hospital and interacted with patients’ post-surgery, said, “As a purpose-led business striving to make lives better, social responsibility is a part of our Group’s core values.

“Senior citizens have made remarkable contributions to society throughout their lifetimes. By supporting the Helpage ‘Give the Gift of Sight’ initiative, we look to empower the elderly in a meaningful way, helping them regain their sight so that they may continue to lead fulfilling lives.”

The Executive Director of HelpAge Sri Lanka, Samantha Liyanawaduge, conveyed gratitude to Hayleys for their sponsorship. “Given the challenges faced by over 500,000 elderly individuals in Sri Lanka, where the risk of losing sight is heightened due to financial and mobility obstacles, donor support in this endeavor is crucial,” he emphasised.

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Hundreds protest at violence against Kenyan women

Demonstrations are taking place across major cities in Kenya to protest against the rising cases of femicide and other violence against women.

Hundreds have gathered in Nairobi, Nakuru, Mombasa, Nyeri and Lodwar, some carrying placards with the names of those who were killed.

A 2022 survey found at least one in three Kenyan women had endured physical violence at some point in their lives. “I am here because I’m angry,” 33-year-old Winnie Chelagat told the BBC. “It is wrong, we are tired and we want something to be done about it.”

Men and boys must take responsibility for their own actions instead of the burden being on women and girls to protect themselves, said another protester called Michael Onyango. “We should educate our sons and tell them that they need to stop killing women.”

Saturday’s protests follow a series of gruesome murders of women – including one victim, later named as Rita Waeni, whose dismembered remains were found stuffed into a plastic bag at an Airhub rental apartment.

Femicide is defined as intentionally killing a woman or girl because they are female.

Amnesty International says more than 500 cases of femicide were recorded in Kenya between the years 2016 and 2023. Many of the victims were killed by intimate partners or people known to them.

Campaigners want the authorities to expedite justice for all recent victims of sexual and gender-based violence.

Dozens of local rights groups say the government must declare femicide a national emergency and class femicide as a specific crime, distinct from murder.

In Nairobi on Saturday, demonstrators chanted “Sisi ni watu sio wanyama” in Swahili – meaning “we are human beings not animals”.

Others carried banners saying “only weak men kill women” and “every time you blame the victim you affirm the murderer”.

Victim-blaming has been rife on social media, with commenters in Kenya’s so-called “manosphere” blaming murdered women for their own deaths.

Many messages on online platforms focus on what the victims were wearing when they were attacked, or question why they did not use their mobile phones to tell family and friends their whereabouts.

Despite Kenya having robust laws against gender-based violence, most perpetrators go unpunished. When prosecutions are brought, they often drag on for years in court.

(BBC)

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Countrywide drug bust has worsened jail congestion: Prisons Chief

Number of inmates exceed capacity by 290 percent

By Rathindra Kuruwita

Sri Lankan prisons has exceeded their capacity by 290 percent, Commissioner General of Prisons Thushara Upuldeniya says.Commenting on a report on prison overcrowding by the National Audit Office, which states that there are 232 percent more inmates in prisons by the end of 2022, Upuldeniya said prison congestion had taken a turn for the worse.

“The prison population has been increasing rapidly in the past few years. If you look at some urban prisons, they exceed capacity by well over 300 percent. Technically, we can hold about 11,700 prisoners. There are 32,735 by 23 January 2024,” he said.

The National Audit Office shows that the prison population had dropped by 2019, but there had been a spike by 2022. Upuldeniya said the numbers dropped in 2019 and 2020 because they fast-tracked the bail process due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

“With the end of COVID, things have gone back to chaotic normal. We have been grappling with prison overcrowding for a long time.”

Upuldeniya said the economic crisis and social issues that are linked with the crisis are directly linked with the spike in population.

“Drug abuse is one of the main reasons why the prison population has increased. Out of the 32,735 inmates, 17,071 are there because of drugs.”

Drug addicts end up in prison because of their methods, he said. The courts sent one group of people to prison, and the others are those in remand custody. Prison officials are not able to systematically rehabilitate those who are in remand custody.

“The overwhelming majority of drug addicts in prisons are those in remand custody. Only about 4,500 addicts have been sent to prison by courts after the completion of legal proceedings. We are rehabilitating them.”

Upuldeniya said, according to the audit report, the prison system needs 187 more toilets. However, the department has received about 300 million rupees from this year’s Budget to develop sanitation facilities.

“About 39 percent of the inmates are repeat offenders. However, there is a lot of variance. It’s usually those addicted to drugs who are incarcerated again and again. The real question is whether the prison system is the best place to rehabilitate drug addicts? Recovering from addiction is not simple. We can keep an addict away from drugs for a few months, but when they go home, they go to an environment where accessing drugs is easy. A lot of addicts want to relocate to a new place.”

Upuldeniya said sometimes entire families are addicted to drugs.

He noted that the problem has been exacerbated with more people coming into prisons because of the Yukthiya operation.

“In 2022, Sri Lanka spent 8.3 billion rupees to maintain the prison system. The total estimated expenditure for 2024 is about 14 billion rupees. Out of this, six billion rupees will be spent on food. In 2023, we spent about 483 rupees per day per inmate for rations alone. If we add electricity, water, etc., we spend about 900 rupees to maintain a prisoner a day.”

Upuldeniya said they are now looking at planting crops on the land they own. They are also opening facilities like bakeries.

He added that about three percent of inmates have no formal education. About 92 percent of inmates have studied up to O/Ls.

“There are currently 73 inmates involved in the drug trade who have received the death penalty. 347 have received life sentences. They are not eligible for any pardons.”

Upuldeniya said about 150 prisoners escape each year, and most escape from open-air camps. There are also about 1,600 vacancies in prisons.

“The total approved cadre is around 7,300 officers. We have a big shortage of wardens. The approved cadre is 4,444, but there are over 700 vacancies. We have received approval to recruit 300 this year. We are also trying to recruit about 500 wardens from among soldiers who might have to leave the Army due to downsizing,” he said.

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Agriculture don expects upcountry vegetable prices to drop by end February

By Rathindra Kuruwita

The prices of upcountry vegetables like carrots will come down at the end of February, says Prof. Buddhi Marambe of the Agriculture Faculty, University of Peradeniya.Heavy rains during the past few months were the main reason for the current increase in the prices of vegetables, Prof. Marambe said, adding that December and April were festive seasons in Sri Lanka, and the prices of food usually went up during those months. Traditionally, the prices of vegetables usually go up in November, December, January, April, May and June.

“However, there have been some unique reasons for the current spike in vegetable prices. We saw heavy rains in October, November and December 2023. The average monthly rainfall in the upcountry in those three months, was about 400 mm,” Prof. Marambe said, adding that during tthose months, there were rains for at least 25 days of the month. When there is a cloud cover, it is difficult for plants to perform photosynthesis. Thus, the harvest drops.

“This is why we have a lot of smaller carrots.”

Sri Lankan farmers, especially vegetable growers, did not adhere to stringent soil conservation techniques, Prof. Marambe said. The heavy rains in October, November and December 2023 led to severe soil erosion.

“Some farmers opt out of farming when there are heavy rains. Although, usually farmers try to increase vegetable production between December and January, they failed to do so this year due to the heavy rains.”

Prof. Marambe said that the rainy weather is coming to an end and that farmers have started to increase their production due to the rise in prices.

“So technically, the produce should start reaching the markets by the end of February. Don’t also forget that the demand has collapsed because of high prices.”

The academic said that Sri Lanka must look at agriculture as a whole. Right now, the government focuses on the farmers when the crops are planted and then on the consumers when the harvest comes into the market.

“This often leads to contradictory policy decisions. We must now ensure that we don’t lose track of paddy cultivation.”

Prof. Marambe mentioned that paddy can remain partially underwater for a few days and survive. However, if they are submerged by water, they too will not be able to perform photosynthesis.

“Once the floods go down, there is a possibility that diseases might increase. We must not be scared, but we must be vigilant. Farmers must talk to their agricultural officer if they notice anything different about the paddy plant.”

He also said that there are several conflicts in the world, and in some instances, trade has been affected. There may be a high probability of Sri Lanka encountering challenges in securing the inputs needed for agriculture.

“We already know how much we need to produce to ensure a smooth supply. We don’t import fresh vegetables, and we know how many vegetables we need, how many acres we need to plant, and what inputs we need. So we don’t really need to wait till the very end to import the necessary inputs. We wait till the last moment and then lament that there were price increases in the world market, etc. We need to be ready and order the inputs we need.”

Sri Lanka has a long history of making ad hoc decisions when it comes to agriculture, he said. The country needs to look at the data and analyze it before making a decision.

“We as scientists also have a responsibility to collect and present the data in a way that policymakers can make clear and informed decisions. The governments must also try to be as scientific as possible. Until both sides work together, we will continue to land ourselves in messes.”

Prof. Marambe said there are many issues with regard to Sri Lankan agriculture storage facilities. Some officials seem to believe that storage only involves dumping goods into a building and closing the door.

“When we store food, even seeds, we must store them in the right conditions. There were reports of potato seeds that were to be distributed to farmers getting spoiled because of bad storage. Farmers keep on suffering because of uninformed decisions and practices.”

Prof. Marambe said the reason for the heavy rains we experienced was the Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD) which is an irregular oscillation of sea surface temperatures in which the western Indian Ocean becomes alternately warmer and then colder than the eastern part of the ocean. When the western Indian Ocean becomes warmer, our Western slope will experience heavy rains.

“We did the studies, and we told the Minister of Agriculture that Sri Lanka will see heavy rains in October, November and December 2023.”

He added that there are many dedicated agriculture researchers in Sri Lanka who are studying IOD and its impact on our agriculture, and with their hard work, Sri Lanka should be able to take the best advantage of rains and minimize the damage caused by heavy rains in the future.

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Private creditor debt restructuring to be completed by March

From June to November 2023, the Central Bank had reduced the Standing Deposit Facility Rate (SDFR) and the Standing Lending Facility Rate (SLFR) by about 6.5 percent, Assistant Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Dr. P. K. G. Harischandra said.

That move had been made in response to the successful management of inflation, prompting the Central Bank to ease its previously tight monetary policy.

“Simultaneously, there was a gradual decrease in interest rates; however, this decline occurred at a measured pace. The transmission of policy rate adjustments to the money market is not instantaneous, requiring a certain period for full effect. During the Monetary Policy Board meeting conducted on January 22, 2024, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka opted to maintain the existing policy interest rates. This decision was based on the belief that additional time was needed for the money market to fully incorporate the earlier 6.5 percent reduction in interest rates, thus influencing a more comprehensive adjustment.,” he said.

Harischandra mentioned a decline in both lending rates and interest rates associated with Treasury bills. The Assistant Governor further indicated that forthcoming adjustments would involve a reduction in both lending rates and deposit interest rates.

“In December 2023, the inflation rate stood at approximately four percent. Interest rates for deposits persist in the range of nine to 10 percent, providing depositors with continued value for their savings. With the ongoing economic recovery, there is an opportunity to bolster it by lowering lending rates. This, in turn, would facilitate more accessible borrowing and encourage increased investment. Notably, the fourth quarter of 2023 marked a positive turn, breaking a streak of six consecutive quarters of negative growth, signaling encouraging economic progress.,” he said.

Harischandra emphasized the necessity of reducing lending rates to sustain the current positive economic momentum. He noted that the Central Bank of Sri Lanka aims to keep inflation at approximately five percent, enabling interest rates to range between eight and 10 percent. This strategy aims to provide depositors with the benefit of seeing an appreciation in their funds, while simultaneously offering entrepreneurs the opportunity to borrow at more affordable rates.

Harischandra said in late 2022, inflation was at 70 percent. In January 2024, inflation will be around seven percent because of the hike in the Value Added Tax (VAT). Inflation can happen because of supply-side and demand-side pressures.

“There is no inflationary pressure stemming from demand because the purchasing power of the population remains low. Over the course of 2022 and 2023, the prices of goods experienced a considerable increase of about 70 percent. While the value of the rupee saw a substantial 45 percent decline in 2022, it only appreciated by 12 percent in 2023. Currently, exchange rates are stable, and there is no inflationary pressure arising from that aspect. Additionally, with the price of crude oil staying below 80 dollars per barrel, we are confident that even if inflation reaches seven percent in January, it will likely be a temporary spike,” he said.

The Assistant Governor noted that an inflation rate of approximately five percent is considered typical in emerging markets and is viewed as an indicator of economic well-being. Nevertheless, the growth of purchasing power among the populace will require some time.

He further said, “a considerable number of individuals are opting to leave the country, prompting many companies to increase salaries. This adjustment has become necessary to retain the essential labour force for their operations. However, it’s important to clarify that these salary hikes may not be deemed sufficient.”

Harischandra said they had restructured domestic debt. International debt comes in two categories, i.e., international sovereign bonds and bilateral debt. Significant progress has been made in restructuring bilateral debt..

“Paris Club, China and India have agreed to help us. We now have to deal with the international sovereign bonds. We are working with the IMF and debt advisors. Furthermore, we hope to come to preliminary agreements by the end of this quarter,” he said.

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Donald Trump ordered to pay $83.3m to E. Jean Carroll defamation trial

The jury began deliberating on Friday afternoon after closing arguments punctuated by Trump's dramatic exit from the courtroom as a Carroll lawyer spoke.

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Fully-funded scholarships by Govt. of India for Sri Lankan nationals

High Commission of India, Colombo is inviting applications for around 200 fully-funded scholarships for Sri Lankan nationals, across various levels. These scholarships are being offered for studies in prestigious Indian Institutes and Universities across subject domains but not including Medical/Paramedical, Fashion Design and Law courses. The scholarships offered exclusively for Sri Lankan nationals are for 2024-2025 academic session.

2. The schemes under which these scholarships have been offered are:

a) Nehru Memorial Scholarship Scheme: This scheme covers Under Graduate/Post Graduate & PhD courses in various domains such as Engineering, Science, Business, Economics, Commerce, Humanities and Arts, among others.

b) Maulana Azad Scholarship Scheme: Masters Degrees courses with preference to Engineering, Science and Agriculture.

c) Rajiv Gandhi Scholarship Scheme: Under Graduate courses in specifically in the field of Information Technology, leading to a Bachelor of Engineering and Bachelor of Technology.

3. Each of the above schemes covers full tuition fees for the entire duration of the course, monthly sustenance allowance, and annual grant for books and stationary. In addition, air fare to the nearest destination in India and an annual grant for educational tours to various parts of the country, apart from several other auxiliary benefits are also offered. Selected candidates would also be provided hostel facility inside the respective campus.

4. Government of India selects meritorious Sri Lankan nationals for award of these coveted scholarships. Selection of candidates is done in consultation with Ministry of Education, Government of Sri Lanka. Necessary details will be available on the website of Ministry of Education at www.mohe.gov.lk.

Interested applicants and their parents are advised to approach the High Commission of India, Colombo (eduwing.colombo@mea.gov.in) or Ministry of Education, Government of Sri Lanka to learn more about eligibility criteria and selection procedure.

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Ballerina, 25, killed by cookie after moving to New York to pursue dream

25-year-old professional dancer Orla Baxendale, from the UK, has died in New York after eating a mislabelled cookie from a Stew Leonard's store sparking an urgent recall.

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High Court sentences seven fishermen to death for hijacking boat and killing three crew members

The Colombo High Court yesterday (24) sentenced to death seven fishermen convicted of hijacking a fishing boat and killing three other fishermen in 2012.

Colombo High Court Judge Aditya Patabendige further sentenced the seven to 29 years of Rigorous Imprisonment.

They were also fined Rs 2,008,500 each.

In October 2012, the suspects hijacked a fishing boat,named Thejan off Tangalle and killed three fishermen aboard and seriously injured several others.

The judge said the charges had been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

A woman accused in the case was acquitted and released.

The Attorney General had indicted 11 individuals in this case. Three of them had died during litigation.

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Ted Bundy's brain was removed after execution for stomach-churning experiment

Ted Bundy's ex-girlfriend Elizabeth Kendall gave his name to police and finally broke her silence four years ago to tell her side of the story in Amazon documentary, Falling For A Killer.

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Body blow to democracy

Wednesday 24th January, 2024

Parliament yesterday resolved to take up for debate the controversial Online Safety Bill (OSB), with a majority of 33 votes. Eighty-three MPs voted for commencing the debate with 50 MPs opposing the move. The government, which has mustered a parliamentary majority with crossovers, will steamroller the Bill through the House, and Sri Lankans’ rights and freedoms in the digital realm will be in jeopardy. There have been fervent appeals from the media, the public, international media rights groups and civil society outfits that the OSB be put on hold and rid of its draconian features, but the government has ignored them.

In a Parliament, where the ruling party members blindly vote for anything that their government seeks to ratify, it does not make sense to take a vote to decide whether a Bill should be taken up for debate. Parliament might as well have proceeded with the debate without taking yesterday’s vote.

What the SLPP, the UNP, the Rajapaksas and President Ranil Wickremesinghe ought to bear in mind is that by misusing their parliamentary majority to pass Bills, they are only testing the patience of all those who cherish democracy, which the OSB is bound to endanger.

Parliamentary majorities are not synonymous with legitimacy, justice and fair play, and therefore not everything becomes morally right, legitimate and acceptable to the public upon being ratified by the legislature. Instances abound where Parliament has had to undo what it has done.

It may be recalled that Parliament passed the 18 Amendment to the Constitution with a two-thirds majority, in 2010, to restore some presidential powers that the 17th Amendment had done away with, and to enable the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa to seek a third term. Its constitutionality may not have been in question, but it was one of the worst laws the Sri Lankan legislature has passed. Ironically, the same Parliament abolished the 18th Amendment, following the 2015 regime change, and introduced the 19th Amendment; almost all UPFA MPs who had voted for the 18th Amendment backed the 19th Amendment as well! The 20th Amendment to the Constitution introduced by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, in 2020, restoring the executive powers of the President, was replaced with the 21st Amendment in 2022; the SLPP MPs who had passed the 20th Amendment enabled the passage of the 21st Amendment with a two-thirds majority! Constitutional amendments and other laws introduced by governments arbitrarily to safeguard their own political interests have debilitated democracy and caused a severe erosion of public faith in Parliament. Hence the need for a consensual approach to be adopted when vital laws are made.

Nobody should be allowed to enjoy the freedom of the wild ass in cyberspace or elsewhere for that matter, and there is a pressing need for regulating the digital space, where people’s reputations are dragged through the mud. Rights of men, women and children are blatantly abused on the Internet with impunity. The victims are often left without recourse and suffer in silence. Online loan sharks drive their customers to suicide in case of default. But the government has chosen to further its own interests through the OSB, which is aimed at suppressing democratic dissent on the pretext of safeguarding the rights and freedoms of the vulnerable sections of society vis-a-via the Internet abusers.

It is only wishful thinking that the government will be able to win elections by suppressing the rights and freedoms of the people with the help of the OSB, which will only lead to public resentment and clashes at a time when the country’s focus should be on making a collective effort to achieve economic recovery, which will not be attainable without political stability, and vice versa. Let the government be told that it has made another huge blunder by delivering a body blow to democracy.

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2024: An election year and global trends

In the global political landscape of 2024, Reuters provides a comprehensive overview of key elections shaping the economic and geopolitical landscape across diverse regions. From Europe, where the rise of Eurosceptic far-right parties poses challenges to the European Union’s integration, to Russia, where Vladimir Putin is set for another term amid heightened tensions with the West, the report navigates through critical elections in Turkey, India, Mexico, South Africa, the United States, Britain, and Venezuela. The analysis underscores the potential market risks associated with each election, ranging from currency fluctuations, inflation and government bond concerns to geopolitical ramifications affecting international relations. As voters cast their ballots, the Reuters brief illuminates the intricate intersections of politics and economics, offering valuable insights into the potential trajectories of these nations and their impact on the global stage.

To evaluate the potential impact of these global elections on Sri Lanka’s upcoming political landscape, it is imperative to delve into the economic trajectories pursued by the primary political entities participating in the elections. Contrary to past practices where Presidential elections took precedence, there are speculations that the impending general elections will precede other electoral events. Four predominant political forces have emerged on the forefront, namely the United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), and Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB). Each of these forces holds distinct economic policies and visions, making a thorough comprehension of their respective stances crucial for anticipating the potential repercussions on Sri Lanka’s political and economic landscape.

A slight distinction exists between the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), with their current collaborative governance with shared portfolios and a lack of overt contradictions. Both parties, led by experienced leaders, advocate for similar economic policies, although the SLPP adopts a nationalistic facade. Notably, the key disparity lies in the SLPP’s adeptness in making emotional appeals, strategically leveraging Sinhala votes and invoking a sense of ultra-nationalism. In contrast, the UNP, under Ranil’s leadership, takes the lead in courting minority votes. The intricate dynamics of emotional appeals and voting strategies distinguish the UNP and SLPP in the current political landscape. While the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) aligns closely with these economic management policies, all three forces, UNP, SLPP and SJB reflect a broader right or center-right outlook.

In a departure from traditional approaches, the Jathika Jana Balavegaya (JJB) stands on its head when expressing a willingness to collaborate with the IMF. Their ideological outlook tilts towards the center-left, rather than the extreme left, despite the significant influence of the Marxist JVP within the coalition. Although their differences from other political entities have diminished, a distinctive feature remains their limited administrative experience, having not governed beyond the council level.

Consequently, voters are likely to prioritize candidates with a proven track record of minimal corruption and a strong focus on effective economic management. Thus, the hands-on experience of candidates is expected to carry considerable weight in the eyes of the electorate.

Source: Reuters

Europe: Elections are scheduled in Portugal, Belgium, European Parliament, Croatia, Romania, and Austria. According to analysts, Eurosceptic far-right parties are gaining momentum, potentially impacting the European Union’s legislative decisions. Market risks include potential effects on Italian stocks and bonds if eurosceptic parties gain influence, affecting European integration.

Russia: Presidential election is scheduled on March 17, with Vladimir Putin expected to secure another term. Putin’s stance on the war in Ukraine may influence international market sentiment. Potential risks include Western governments considering seizing frozen Russian assets, leading to retaliatory measures from Russia.

Turkey: Local elections are scheduled on March 31. Economic reforms have started to attract international investors, but concerns exist about a weak Lira (Turkish currency), and high inflation. Potential risks include political uncertainty, given President Erdogan’s history of personnel changes in economic positions.

India: National elections are expected in April-May (exact date to be confirmed). Narendra Modi expected to win a third term, with potential market risks related to persistent inflation and fiscal policies.

Mexico: Presidential election is scheduled on June 2, involving a full Congress reshuffle. Incumbent party (Morena) and its candidate have a double-digit lead, but increased spending could impact the Peso (Mexican currency) and government bonds.

South Africa: Elections are scheduled between May and August 2024 (exact date to be confirmed). Ruling African National Congress faces challenges, and economic issues may lead to a coalition government. Market risks include concerns about debt levels, social spending, and currency weakness.

 

United States: Presidential election is scheduled on November 5, with predictions of a Trump-Biden rematch. Potential market risks include social unrest, impacts on consumer sentiment, and currency fluctuations based on election probabilities.

Britain: Elections are expected by the end of 2024. Labour party leading in polls, potential risks related to economic stagnation, fiscal policies, and changes in planning rules.

Venezuela: Presidential election is expected in 2024 (exact date to be confirmed). Incumbent Maduro has an advantage, but potential market risks include U.S. sanctions, debt restructuring, and the impact on Venezuelan stocks and bonds.

The outcomes of these elections are poised to unleash a political storm, characterized by a wind of right or center-right ideologies. This impending wave of political change is anticipated to exert influence not only on the economies, policies, and international relations of the respective countries but also on the broader geopolitical landscape. As investors and markets keenly observe these global events, the potential shifts in political landscapes and policy directions are likely to reverberate, significantly impacting the political situation in Sri Lanka and nudging it more towards a center-right position, diminishing chances for leftist politics.

Impact of IMF’s stand

The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) assessment and recommendations for Sri Lanka’s economic recovery hold significant implications for the country’s upcoming elections. The $2.9 billion bailout loan agreement from the IMF signals a step towards recovery from Sri Lanka’s worst financial crisis in decades. However, the IMF emphasizes the need for the swift finalization of agreements with official lenders and a resolution with external private creditors.

As Sri Lanka navigates economic challenges, including the introduction of a progressive property tax and VAT adjustments, these measures could become central issues in the electoral landscape. The IMF’s call for fair burden-sharing, sustainable reforms, and strengthened tax administration underscores the importance of fiscal policies that directly impact citizens.

Sri Lanka’s ability to stay the course on economic reforms will not only impact its financial stability but could also play a pivotal role in the broader narrative of political leadership and governance during the elections.

Cost of living

Sri Lanka’s consumer price inflation rate rising to 4.2% year-on-year in December, driven by increasing food prices, can have several impacts on the upcoming elections. The inflationary pressures, particularly in food prices, may contribute to economic anxieties among voters. The government’s decision to raise the value-added tax (VAT) to 18% from 15% to meet revenue targets could become a contentious issue. The decision of the central bank to leave key policy rates (SDFR 9% and SLFR 10%) unchanged is significant and may be a point of discussion in the electoral context, with voters assessing the government’s economic strategies and the effectiveness of monetary policy in controlling inflation.

Conclusions

To assess the potential impact of global elections on Sri Lanka’s forthcoming political landscape, an exploration into the economic trajectories of key political entities becomes imperative. Unlike past practices where Presidential elections took precedence, speculation surrounds the prioritization of impending general elections. Four prominent political forces—UNP, SLPP, SJB, and JJB—emerge as influential players, each harboring very similar economic policies and visions. UNP and SLPP have a subtle difference, and SJB closely follows their economic policies, collectively reflecting a broader right or center-right outlook.

In a paradigm shift, the JJB, expressing a willingness to collaborate with the IMF, stands on its head ideologically, leaning towards center-left despite the Marxist JVP’s significant influence. Despite diminished differences with other entities, their limited administrative experience remains a distinct disadvantage.

Potential market risks associated with worldwide elections, spanning currency fluctuations, government bonds, inflation, and geopolitical ramifications, underscore the intricate connections between global politics and economics. The IMF’s bailout signals a recovery path, with an emphasis on finalizing agreements and addressing private creditor issues becoming pivotal. Government commitment to fiscal reforms, including a progressive property tax and VAT adjustments, shapes electoral discourse.

Central themes of economic concerns, policy decisions, and inflation debates take center stage, with voters scrutinizing the government’s economic management. The Central Bank’s role and recovery narratives add layers to the discussion, emphasizing the intricate relationship between economic indicators and political outcomes.

Finally, voter priorities should be in favour of candidates with a corruption-free track record and a focus on effective economic management.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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